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(Especially politics)

  • 1 politics

    •• policy, politics, politician

    •• Policy 1. plan of action, statement of aims and ideals, especially one made by a government, political party, business company, etc. 2. wise, sensible conduct; art of government.
    •• Politics the science or art of government; political views, affairs, questions, etc.
    •• Politician person taking part in politics or much interested in politics; (in a sense) person who follows politics as a career, regardless of principle (A.S. Hornby).
    •• Государственный секретарь Джордж Шульц любил поговорить о разнице между policy и politics. Я, говорил он, старался не втягиваться в politics, а все внимание сосредоточивал на policy, на policy-making. В этом высказывании сконцентрировано различие между этими двумя понятиями, которое часто упускают из виду. Politics – это политическая борьба (не всегда в отрицательном значении; когда из контекста ясно, что значение именно отрицательное, можно переводить политиканство), а policy – это политическая линия, политическая стратегия. Policy statement – не просто политическое, а программное, принципиальное заявление: When Clinton told a discussion group in Shanghai, “Everyone understands that there is a new China emerging in the world that is more prosperous, more open and more dynamic,”... he was not simply making an observation but something tantamount to policy statement. Стоит обратить внимание на словосочетание public policy, которое ближе всего к русскому политика в значении процесс решения главных вопросов жизни государства и общества. Пример из Washington Post: Mr. Kudlow appears to make his mark on public policy. Из Wall Street Journal: Mr. Doron is director of a public policy think tank located near Jerusalem. – Г-н Дорон является руководителем центра исследования политических проблем (или просто политики).
    •• Нередко по смыслу politics относится к внутриполитической сфере. Характерный пример: From Shylock to Scrooge and now to George Soros, it has always been only too easy to cast the man with the moneybags as the villain. And it’s happening again as the countries in Southeast Asia search for a scapegoat for the financial crises that have beset them in recent weeks. [...] All these wild charges, of course, may make good politics (International Herald Tribune). – ...Конечно, на всех этих скандальных обвинениях можно набрать политические очки (или очки во внутриполитической борьбе).
    •• Аналогичный пример: Many if not most citizens of Taiwan no longer believe in reunion with the mainland and are eager for international recognition in their own right. Taiwan’s politics cater to this popular view (Don Oberdorfer). Здесь возможен такой перевод – разумеется, чисто контекстуальный: Тайваньские политики отражают это широко распространенное мнение. Politics может иметь и сильный отрицательный оттенок. Словарь Safire’s Political Dictionary дает следующее определение выражения playing politics: placing partisan gain above the public interest, т.е. ставить узкопартийные интересы выше интересов общества.
    •• Не всегда легко поддается переводу словосочетание the politics of. Вот перевод подзаголовка статьи о политической ситуации на Украине: Политика президентских выборов. Совершенно непонятно, о чем тут речь. Из текста же ясно, что в этом разделе говорится о влиянии будущих президентских выборов на политическую ситуацию, политическую борьбу. Лучше было перевести Президентские выборы и политическая борьба.
    •• Выражение из другого смыслового ряда – office politics. Смысл его – то, что у нас принято называть служебными интригами, подсиживанием. Иногда оно близко по значению к turf (или territorial) battles – ведомственные, бюрократические игры, внутри- или межведомственная борьба (войны).
    •• Не всем известно, что значит слово politic (у него есть еще антоним impolitic). Словари дают значение (политически) выгодный, благоразумный, дальновидный, дипломатичный. В следующем примере из журнала Fortune, скорее всего – осторожный: When Reilly called Tom Florio and Tina Brown for comment, on the record both were politic but behind the scenes they were livid. (Здесь слово livid – синоним mad – вне себя от ярости.)
    •• Теперь обратим внимание на значение слова policy, не всегда отражаемое словарями и близкое к русскому твердое правило. Вот два примера из одного номера журнала «Ньюсуик»:
    •• 1. A new policy [of a television network] prohibits paying “criminals, convicts or miscreants.”
    •• 2. HIID [Harvard Institute for International Development] policy does not allow its employees to invest in the countries they counsel.
    •• Слово politician по-английски – нечто среднее между русскими политик и политикан. Контекст, как правило, позволяет без особого труда решить, какое из этих русских слов подходит лучше. Труднее правильно перевести русское политик. Почти всегда подходит policy-maker, иногда – political leader. Нейтральный, хотя и слишком сухой вариант – political figure. А как же перевести слово политикан? Иногда вполне подойдет politician или petty politician или just a politician. Ну, если нужен «колорит», можно попробовать politico или pol: Washington politicos can’t wait to start slugging (International Herald Tribune). – Вашингтонские политиканы рвутся в драку.
    •• Политические термины, словосочетания, поговорки широко распространены в речи американцев, особенно образованных и следящих за средствами информации, значительное место в которых занимает политика в ее разных ипостасях. Вот несколько словосочетаний со словом political:
    •• political animal«политическое животное», т.е. человек (как правило, политик) с сильно развитыми политическими инстинктами. Кстати, еще Аристотель в своем трактате «Политика» писал: «Человек по природе своей – животное политическое»;
    •• political capital см. также political mileageполитический капитал, выигрыш, «навар». Употребляется обычно с негативным оттенком;
    •• political correctness – понятие политической корректности в последние годы получило распространение и у нас. Поэтому объяснять его нет особой необходимости. Важнее знать, чего не следует говорить (или как не следует выражаться), чтобы не выйти за рамки политически приемлемого в данном обществе. Так, в Великобритании, во всяком случае до недавнего времени, было не принято негативно высказываться о королеве. В Соединенных Штатах давно уже нельзя говорить Negro (раньше говорили и писали black, а теперь не очень корректно и это, сами чернокожие американцы (и многие белые) предпочитают African-American). В качестве общего принципа политической корректности можно сказать так: нужно избегать любых слов и высказываний, которые могут задеть то или иное более или менее организованное меньшинство (за исключением явно экстремистских) – политическое, расовое, сексуальное. Бывшие граждане СССР обычно относятся к политкорректности резко отрицательно, что может быть отчасти реакцией на многолетнюю жизнь в условиях жесткой политической регламентированности. Лучше, однако, не читать по этому поводу нотаций американцам. У истоков Соединенных Штатов стояло религиозное меньшинство (пуритане с корабля «Мэйфлауэр»), и сейчас Америка нередко предстает как огромное «сообщество меньшинств»;
    •• political football объект политических игр. Уильям Сэфайр приводит пример из выступления бывшего президента США Гарри Трумена, обвинившего Дуайта Эйзенхауэра в том, что тот “used our foreign policy as a political football.” Еще одно интересное и малоизвестное значение слова football - «ядерный чемоданчик» – но не в значении миниатюрное ядерное устройство. Определение находим у Сэфайра – the small, thirty-pound metal suitcase containing codes that can launch a nuclear attack. It is carried by a military aide to the President and follows the chief executive wherever he goes;
    •• political mileage – то же самое, что political capital, но с меньшим негативным оттенком.
    •• Несколько выражений политического происхождения вошли в повседневный обиход и стали «повсеместно понятными» (generally understood). В некоторых случаях за ними закрепились и русские эквиваленты, не всегда, впрочем, самые удачные. Так, перевод рузвельтовского New Deal как Новый курс, на мой взгляд не идеален. Франклин Рузвельт в данном случае взял за основу Square Deal своего предшественника и родственника Теодора Рузвельта, который имел в виду не просто некий политический или экономический курс, а нечто большее, о чем свидетельствует следующая цитата: We demand that big business give people a square deal. Речь, как видим, идет скорее о «справедливой сделке», справедливом отношении большого бизнеса («олигархов», как у нас сказали бы сейчас) к большинству населения. Соответственно и Ф.Рузвельт, как явствует из его выступлений, имел в виду своего рода «новый общественный договор» между бизнесом и обществом. Разумеется, перевод Новый курс устоялся и изменению не подлежит, но не вредно знать, что стоит за рузвельтовским лозунгом (почти «новый строй»!). От Ф.Рузвельта остались и fireside chats (радио)беседы у камина – выступления президента по радио с доступным для каждого разъяснением важных вопросов политики и экономики. (Рузвельт использовал этот инструмент очень эффективно, а вот попытки использовать его в другое время и в другой стране выглядели, пожалуй, комично.) Также от Рузвельта остались и Four Freedomsfreedom of speech and expression, freedom to worship God, freedom from want (свобода от нужды) и freedom from fear ( свобода от страха, причем из знаменитой речи Рузвельта 6 января 1941 года ясно, что под этим он имел в виду далеко идущий процесс разоружения).
    •• Знаменитое высказывание Теодора Рузвельта Speak softly and always carry a big stick (говори тихо, но всегда имей с собой большую дубинку) известно у нас в основном в «антиимпериалистической» интерпретации («политика большой дубинки»).
    •• Несколько широко известных словесных шедевров принадлежит Гарри Трумену, например, знаменитое The buck stops here. Табличка с этим лозунгом стояла у него на письменном столе, и означала примерно следующее: «бюрократические игры кончаются здесь». Выражение to pass the buck, от которого происходит труменовский лозунг, означает спихивать на кого-либо решение (ответственность) в важном вопросе (у нас существует не очень распространенное, но яркое словечко спихотехника). Трумен ввел в обиход поговорку If you can’t stand the heat, get out of the kitchen, означающую, что политика – дело жестокое, но приходится терпеть. Если жарко – уходи, никто не держит.
    •• Джон Кеннеди – автор «экономического афоризма» A rising tide lifts all the boats. – Прилив поднимает все лодки, т.е. общий подъем экономики выгоден всем – и богатым, и бедным. Он же в своей инаугурационной речи сказал запомнившиеся американцам слова: Ask not what your country can do for you, ask what you can do for your country. – Не спрашивай, что может сделать для тебя твоя страна, – лучше спроси, что ты можешь для нее сделать.
    •• Любой образованный англичанин или американец, услышав Power corrupts, продолжит: absolute power corrupts absolutely (хотя не все знают, что это высказывание принадлежит английскому историку лорду Эктону – Lord Acton, 1834–1902; кстати, у него Power tends to corrupt – по-моему, точнее). Власть развращает, а безграничная власть развращает безгранично.
    •• Еще несколько политических поговорок, вошедших в обиходную речь:
    •• You scratch my back, I’ll scratch yours. – Услуга за услугу;
    •• You can’t fight City Hall ≈ Плетью обуха не перешибешь;
    •• How you stand depends on where you sit ≈ Где сидишь (т.е. какую должность занимаешь), на том и стоишь (такова и твоя позиция).
    •• Интересное «политическое словосочетание» – вопрос Will it play in Peoria? означает Поймут ли нас в глубинке? Оно появилось во времена президента Никсона, и небольшой (хотя и не самый маленький) город Пеория в штате Иллинойс предстает здесь как символ провинциальности. Джимми Картер не оставил после себя ярких фразеологизмов, зато один из членов его кабинета, земляк президента из штата Джорджия Берт Лэнс прославился фразой: If it ain’t broke, don’t fix it. – Что не сломалось, не чини.
    •• Список фразеологизмов и словосочетаний, политических по происхождению или основной сфере употребления, можно продолжать долго. Ограничусь несколькими, отобранными без особой системы:
    •• bully pulpit – Теодор Рузвельт считал, что президентский пост дает возможность его обладателю быть «отцом нации», нравственным лидером и вдохновителем ее побед. Bully pulpit – «трибуна президента», с которой он проповедует нации;
    •• gut issue«нутряной вопрос». Так говорят о проблеме, нередко надуманной, которая вызывает у избирателей чисто эмоциональную реакцию, «задевает душу», заставляет «голосовать сердцем» (у американцев, как видим, кишечником);
    •• heartbeat away from the presidencyможет быть, не сегодня-завтра президент. Эта фраза является своего рода напоминанием о том, что к выбору (и голосованию за) вице-президента надо подходить со всей ответственностью – случись что с президентом, и, казалось бы, малозначительный (что характерно для большинства администраций) человек становится национальным лидером;
    •• high road... low road – эта фраза стала популярной во время президентской кампании 1948 года, когда республиканский кандидат (и фаворит предвыборной гонки) Томас Дьюи заявил, что не будет отвечать на «удары ниже пояса», к которым прибегал Трумен (как ни странно, тогдашний президент считался underdog, т.е. аутсайдером). To take the high road можно перевести проявить разборчивость в средствах, не прибегать к неэтичным приемам. To take the low road – пойти на все ради победы, бить ниже пояса;
    •• hit listсписок подлежащих (политической) ликвидации. Хотя на Западе уже давно политических противников не ликвидируют физически, словосочетания с hit распространены очень широко ( hit job или hatchet job – заказной «компромат», (political) hitman – поставщик компромата и т.д.);
    •• press the flesh жать руку. «Контакт с народом» – как ни странно, любимое занятие политических деятелей, в чем мне приходилось не раз убеждаться (они действительно получают удовольствие от контакта с незнакомыми людьми);
    •• smoke-filled roomsпрокуренные комнаты. Символизирует келейный характер решений, принимаемых политическими боссами за закрытыми дверями;
    •• smoking gunнеопровержимая улика. Это выражение было в ходу во время уотергейтской эпопеи – у ее участников были разные мнения о том, есть ли такие улики против президента Никсона. На сегодняшний день об этом, пожалуй, можно сказать: This is a moot question. См. статью moot.
    •• * Английский язык – особенно его американский вариант – возможно, уникален в проведении резкой черты между politics и policy. Различия между ними довольно подробно, хотя и неполно, описаны в «Моем несистематическом словаре», но в данном случае речь не о них, а о том, что и сами американцы, видимо, чувствуют, что в реальной жизни это единый организм. Наверное, не случайно политический раздел в газете Wall Street Journal называется Policy and Politics. A вот цитата из New York Times:
    •• Good, artful writing, writing with voice and style, turns up in lots of places: in memoirs, in books about history and science, and sometimes even in books about politics and policy.
    •• Самый естественный – и абсолютно правильный – перевод здесь: ... и иногда даже в книгах о политике. (Потому что в русском понимании выработка политического курса, сам этот курс и политическая борьба отделяются друг от друга только по необходимости, а не «по умолчанию».)
    •• К этой же теме: интересная трансформация происходит со словосочетанием political strategist. Если раньше его значение было близко к тому, как мы понимаем его русский аналог политический стратег (есть, например, книга, Gandhi as a Political Strategist), то сейчас это выражение употребляется в США в сочетании с такими именами, как Karl Rove, Donna Brazile, James Carville, Dick Morris (это подтверждает и поиск в гугле), – это те, кого у нас принято называть политтехнологами. (См. также в статье технология, техногенный в русской части словаря.)

    English-Russian nonsystematic dictionary > politics

  • 2 fence

    fence [fens]
    1. noun
    [+ land] clôturer
    * * *
    [fens] 1.
    1) ( barrier) clôture f
    2) ( in showjumping) obstacle m; ( in horseracing) haie f
    3) (colloq) ( receiver of stolen goods) receleur/-euse m/f
    2.
    1) ( enclose) clôturer [area, garden]
    2) (colloq) ( sell stolen goods) fourguer (sl) [stolen goods]
    3.
    1) Sport faire de l'escrime
    2) ( be evasive) se dérober
    Phrasal Verbs:
    ••

    English-French dictionary > fence

  • 3 honest

    honest [ˈɒnɪst]
    honnête ; [money, profit] honnêtement acquis
    now, be honest! allons, sois honnête !
    to be honest (with you)... à vrai dire...
    ━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━
    honnête has a double n and does not contain an s.
    * * *
    ['ɒnɪst] 1.
    1) ( truthful) [person] intègre; [answer, account] sincère
    2) ( trustworthy) honnête
    3) ( sincere) franc/franche

    to be honest,... — à dire vrai...

    4) ( legal) [profit, money] honnêtement acquis; [price] juste
    2.

    honest (colloq) ou honest to God! — parole d'honneur!

    English-French dictionary > honest

  • 4 spin

    spin [spɪn]
    (verb: preterite spun, past participle spun)
    1. noun
       a. ( = turning motion) tournoiement m
    long/short spin (on washing machine) essorage m complet/léger
       b. ( = ride) (inf) petit tour m
       c. to put a new/different spin on sth (inf) présenter qch sous un nouvel angle/un angle différent
       a. [+ wool] filer ; [+ thread] fabriquer
       b. [+ wheel, nut, revolving stand] faire tourner ; [+ ball] donner de l'effet à
       a. ( = spin wool) filer
       b. ( = turn) tourner ; [car wheel] patiner ; [ball] tournoyer
    [+ story, explanation] délayer
    * * *
    [spɪn] 1.
    1) ( of wheel) tour m; (of dancer, skate) pirouette f
    2) Sport effet m
    4) ( pleasure trip) tour m
    2.
    transitive verb (p prés - nn-; prét, pp spun)
    1) lancer [top]; faire tourner [globe, wheel]
    2) ( flip)
    3) filer [wool, thread]
    4) [spider] tisser
    5) ( wring out) essorer quelque chose à la machine [clothes]
    6) raconter [tale]
    3.
    intransitive verb (p prés - nn-; prét, pp spun)
    1) ( rotate) [wheel] tourner; [weathercock, top] tournoyer; [dancer] pirouetter

    to go spinning through the air[ball, plate] aller valser (colloq)

    2) fig tourner
    3) ( turn wildly) [wheels] patiner; [plane] descendre en vrille
    Phrasal Verbs:
    ••

    to spin one's wheelsUS fig ne pas avancer fig

    English-French dictionary > spin

  • 5 Historical Portugal

       Before Romans described western Iberia or Hispania as "Lusitania," ancient Iberians inhabited the land. Phoenician and Greek trading settlements grew up in the Tagus estuary area and nearby coasts. Beginning around 202 BCE, Romans invaded what is today southern Portugal. With Rome's defeat of Carthage, Romans proceeded to conquer and rule the western region north of the Tagus, which they named Roman "Lusitania." In the fourth century CE, as Rome's rule weakened, the area experienced yet another invasion—Germanic tribes, principally the Suevi, who eventually were Christianized. During the sixth century CE, the Suevi kingdom was superseded by yet another Germanic tribe—the Christian Visigoths.
       A major turning point in Portugal's history came in 711, as Muslim armies from North Africa, consisting of both Arab and Berber elements, invaded the Iberian Peninsula from across the Straits of Gibraltar. They entered what is now Portugal in 714, and proceeded to conquer most of the country except for the far north. For the next half a millennium, Islam and Muslim presence in Portugal left a significant mark upon the politics, government, language, and culture of the country.
       Islam, Reconquest, and Portugal Created, 714-1140
       The long frontier struggle between Muslim invaders and Christian communities in the north of the Iberian peninsula was called the Reconquista (Reconquest). It was during this struggle that the first dynasty of Portuguese kings (Burgundian) emerged and the independent monarchy of Portugal was established. Christian forces moved south from what is now the extreme north of Portugal and gradually defeated Muslim forces, besieging and capturing towns under Muslim sway. In the ninth century, as Christian forces slowly made their way southward, Christian elements were dominant only in the area between Minho province and the Douro River; this region became known as "territorium Portu-calense."
       In the 11th century, the advance of the Reconquest quickened as local Christian armies were reinforced by crusading knights from what is now France and England. Christian forces took Montemor (1034), at the Mondego River; Lamego (1058); Viseu (1058); and Coimbra (1064). In 1095, the king of Castile and Léon granted the country of "Portu-cale," what became northern Portugal, to a Burgundian count who had emigrated from France. This was the foundation of Portugal. In 1139, a descendant of this count, Afonso Henriques, proclaimed himself "King of Portugal." He was Portugal's first monarch, the "Founder," and the first of the Burgundian dynasty, which ruled until 1385.
       The emergence of Portugal in the 12th century as a separate monarchy in Iberia occurred before the Christian Reconquest of the peninsula. In the 1140s, the pope in Rome recognized Afonso Henriques as king of Portugal. In 1147, after a long, bloody siege, Muslim-occupied Lisbon fell to Afonso Henriques's army. Lisbon was the greatest prize of the 500-year war. Assisting this effort were English crusaders on their way to the Holy Land; the first bishop of Lisbon was an Englishman. When the Portuguese captured Faro and Silves in the Algarve province in 1248-50, the Reconquest of the extreme western portion of the Iberian peninsula was complete—significantly, more than two centuries before the Spanish crown completed the Reconquest of the eastern portion by capturing Granada in 1492.
       Consolidation and Independence of Burgundian Portugal, 1140-1385
       Two main themes of Portugal's early existence as a monarchy are the consolidation of control over the realm and the defeat of a Castil-ian threat from the east to its independence. At the end of this period came the birth of a new royal dynasty (Aviz), which prepared to carry the Christian Reconquest beyond continental Portugal across the straits of Gibraltar to North Africa. There was a variety of motives behind these developments. Portugal's independent existence was imperiled by threats from neighboring Iberian kingdoms to the north and east. Politics were dominated not only by efforts against the Muslims in
       Portugal (until 1250) and in nearby southern Spain (until 1492), but also by internecine warfare among the kingdoms of Castile, Léon, Aragon, and Portugal. A final comeback of Muslim forces was defeated at the battle of Salado (1340) by allied Castilian and Portuguese forces. In the emerging Kingdom of Portugal, the monarch gradually gained power over and neutralized the nobility and the Church.
       The historic and commonplace Portuguese saying "From Spain, neither a good wind nor a good marriage" was literally played out in diplomacy and war in the late 14th-century struggles for mastery in the peninsula. Larger, more populous Castile was pitted against smaller Portugal. Castile's Juan I intended to force a union between Castile and Portugal during this era of confusion and conflict. In late 1383, Portugal's King Fernando, the last king of the Burgundian dynasty, suddenly died prematurely at age 38, and the Master of Aviz, Portugal's most powerful nobleman, took up the cause of independence and resistance against Castile's invasion. The Master of Aviz, who became King João I of Portugal, was able to obtain foreign assistance. With the aid of English archers, Joao's armies defeated the Castilians in the crucial battle of Aljubarrota, on 14 August 1385, a victory that assured the independence of the Portuguese monarchy from its Castilian nemesis for several centuries.
       Aviz Dynasty and Portugal's First Overseas Empire, 1385-1580
       The results of the victory at Aljubarrota, much celebrated in Portugal's art and monuments, and the rise of the Aviz dynasty also helped to establish a new merchant class in Lisbon and Oporto, Portugal's second city. This group supported King João I's program of carrying the Reconquest to North Africa, since it was interested in expanding Portugal's foreign commerce and tapping into Muslim trade routes and resources in Africa. With the Reconquest against the Muslims completed in Portugal and the threat from Castile thwarted for the moment, the Aviz dynasty launched an era of overseas conquest, exploration, and trade. These efforts dominated Portugal's 15th and 16th centuries.
       The overseas empire and age of Discoveries began with Portugal's bold conquest in 1415 of the Moroccan city of Ceuta. One royal member of the 1415 expedition was young, 21-year-old Prince Henry, later known in history as "Prince Henry the Navigator." His part in the capture of Ceuta won Henry his knighthood and began Portugal's "Marvelous Century," during which the small kingdom was counted as a European and world power of consequence. Henry was the son of King João I and his English queen, Philippa of Lancaster, but he did not inherit the throne. Instead, he spent most of his life and his fortune, and that of the wealthy military Order of Christ, on various imperial ventures and on voyages of exploration down the African coast and into the Atlantic. While mythology has surrounded Henry's controversial role in the Discoveries, and this role has been exaggerated, there is no doubt that he played a vital part in the initiation of Portugal's first overseas empire and in encouraging exploration. He was naturally curious, had a sense of mission for Portugal, and was a strong leader. He also had wealth to expend; at least a third of the African voyages of the time were under his sponsorship. If Prince Henry himself knew little science, significant scientific advances in navigation were made in his day.
       What were Portugal's motives for this new imperial effort? The well-worn historical cliche of "God, Glory, and Gold" can only partly explain the motivation of a small kingdom with few natural resources and barely 1 million people, which was greatly outnumbered by the other powers it confronted. Among Portuguese objectives were the desire to exploit known North African trade routes and resources (gold, wheat, leather, weaponry, and other goods that were scarce in Iberia); the need to outflank the Muslim world in the Mediterranean by sailing around Africa, attacking Muslims en route; and the wish to ally with Christian kingdoms beyond Africa. This enterprise also involved a strategy of breaking the Venetian spice monopoly by trading directly with the East by means of discovering and exploiting a sea route around Africa to Asia. Besides the commercial motives, Portugal nurtured a strong crusading sense of Christian mission, and various classes in the kingdom saw an opportunity for fame and gain.
       By the time of Prince Henry's death in 1460, Portugal had gained control of the Atlantic archipelagos of the Azores and Madeiras, begun to colonize the Cape Verde Islands, failed to conquer the Canary Islands from Castile, captured various cities on Morocco's coast, and explored as far as Senegal, West Africa, down the African coast. By 1488, Bar-tolomeu Dias had rounded the Cape of Good Hope in South Africa and thereby discovered the way to the Indian Ocean.
       Portugal's largely coastal African empire and later its fragile Asian empire brought unexpected wealth but were purchased at a high price. Costs included wars of conquest and defense against rival powers, manning the far-flung navel and trade fleets and scattered castle-fortresses, and staffing its small but fierce armies, all of which entailed a loss of skills and population to maintain a scattered empire. Always short of capital, the monarchy became indebted to bankers. There were many defeats beginning in the 16th century at the hands of the larger imperial European monarchies (Spain, France, England, and Holland) and many attacks on Portugal and its strung-out empire. Typically, there was also the conflict that arose when a tenuously held world empire that rarely if ever paid its way demanded finance and manpower Portugal itself lacked.
       The first 80 years of the glorious imperial era, the golden age of Portugal's imperial power and world influence, was an African phase. During 1415-88, Portuguese navigators and explorers in small ships, some of them caravelas (caravels), explored the treacherous, disease-ridden coasts of Africa from Morocco to South Africa beyond the Cape of Good Hope. By the 1470s, the Portuguese had reached the Gulf of Guinea and, in the early 1480s, what is now Angola. Bartolomeu Dias's extraordinary voyage of 1487-88 to South Africa's coast and the edge of the Indian Ocean convinced Portugal that the best route to Asia's spices and Christians lay south, around the tip of southern Africa. Between 1488 and 1495, there was a hiatus caused in part by domestic conflict in Portugal, discussion of resources available for further conquests beyond Africa in Asia, and serious questions as to Portugal's capacity to reach beyond Africa. In 1495, King Manuel and his council decided to strike for Asia, whatever the consequences. In 1497-99, Vasco da Gama, under royal orders, made the epic two-year voyage that discovered the sea route to western India (Asia), outflanked Islam and Venice, and began Portugal's Asian empire. Within 50 years, Portugal had discovered and begun the exploitation of its largest colony, Brazil, and set up forts and trading posts from the Middle East (Aden and Ormuz), India (Calicut, Goa, etc.), Malacca, and Indonesia to Macau in China.
       By the 1550s, parts of its largely coastal, maritime trading post empire from Morocco to the Moluccas were under siege from various hostile forces, including Muslims, Christians, and Hindi. Although Moroccan forces expelled the Portuguese from the major coastal cities by 1550, the rival European monarchies of Castile (Spain), England, France, and later Holland began to seize portions of her undermanned, outgunned maritime empire.
       In 1580, Phillip II of Spain, whose mother was a Portuguese princess and who had a strong claim to the Portuguese throne, invaded Portugal, claimed the throne, and assumed control over the realm and, by extension, its African, Asian, and American empires. Phillip II filled the power vacuum that appeared in Portugal following the loss of most of Portugal's army and its young, headstrong King Sebastião in a disastrous war in Morocco. Sebastiao's death in battle (1578) and the lack of a natural heir to succeed him, as well as the weak leadership of the cardinal who briefly assumed control in Lisbon, led to a crisis that Spain's strong monarch exploited. As a result, Portugal lost its independence to Spain for a period of 60 years.
       Portugal under Spanish Rule, 1580-1640
       Despite the disastrous nature of Portugal's experience under Spanish rule, "The Babylonian Captivity" gave birth to modern Portuguese nationalism, its second overseas empire, and its modern alliance system with England. Although Spain allowed Portugal's weakened empire some autonomy, Spanish rule in Portugal became increasingly burdensome and unacceptable. Spain's ambitious imperial efforts in Europe and overseas had an impact on the Portuguese as Spain made greater and greater demands on its smaller neighbor for manpower and money. Portugal's culture underwent a controversial Castilianization, while its empire became hostage to Spain's fortunes. New rival powers England, France, and Holland attacked and took parts of Spain's empire and at the same time attacked Portugal's empire, as well as the mother country.
       Portugal's empire bore the consequences of being attacked by Spain's bitter enemies in what was a form of world war. Portuguese losses were heavy. By 1640, Portugal had lost most of its Moroccan cities as well as Ceylon, the Moluccas, and sections of India. With this, Portugal's Asian empire was gravely weakened. Only Goa, Damão, Diu, Bombay, Timor, and Macau remained and, in Brazil, Dutch forces occupied the northeast.
       On 1 December 1640, long commemorated as a national holiday, Portuguese rebels led by the duke of Braganza overthrew Spanish domination and took advantage of Spanish weakness following a more serious rebellion in Catalonia. Portugal regained independence from Spain, but at a price: dependence on foreign assistance to maintain its independence in the form of the renewal of the alliance with England.
       Restoration and Second Empire, 1640-1822
       Foreign affairs and empire dominated the restoration era and aftermath, and Portugal again briefly enjoyed greater European power and prestige. The Anglo-Portuguese Alliance was renewed and strengthened in treaties of 1642, 1654, and 1661, and Portugal's independence from Spain was underwritten by English pledges and armed assistance. In a Luso-Spanish treaty of 1668, Spain recognized Portugal's independence. Portugal's alliance with England was a marriage of convenience and necessity between two monarchies with important religious, cultural, and social differences. In return for legal, diplomatic, and trade privileges, as well as the use during war and peace of Portugal's great Lisbon harbor and colonial ports for England's navy, England pledged to protect Portugal and its scattered empire from any attack. The previously cited 17th-century alliance treaties were renewed later in the Treaty of Windsor, signed in London in 1899. On at least 10 different occasions after 1640, and during the next two centuries, England was central in helping prevent or repel foreign invasions of its ally, Portugal.
       Portugal's second empire (1640-1822) was largely Brazil-oriented. Portuguese colonization, exploitation of wealth, and emigration focused on Portuguese America, and imperial revenues came chiefly from Brazil. Between 1670 and 1740, Portugal's royalty and nobility grew wealthier on funds derived from Brazilian gold, diamonds, sugar, tobacco, and other crops, an enterprise supported by the Atlantic slave trade and the supply of African slave labor from West Africa and Angola. Visitors today can see where much of that wealth was invested: Portugal's rich legacy of monumental architecture. Meanwhile, the African slave trade took a toll in Angola and West Africa.
       In continental Portugal, absolutist monarchy dominated politics and government, and there was a struggle for position and power between the monarchy and other institutions, such as the Church and nobility. King José I's chief minister, usually known in history as the marquis of Pombal (ruled 1750-77), sharply suppressed the nobility and the
       Church (including the Inquisition, now a weak institution) and expelled the Jesuits. Pombal also made an effort to reduce economic dependence on England, Portugal's oldest ally. But his successes did not last much beyond his disputed time in office.
       Beginning in the late 18th century, the European-wide impact of the French Revolution and the rise of Napoleon placed Portugal in a vulnerable position. With the monarchy ineffectively led by an insane queen (Maria I) and her indecisive regent son (João VI), Portugal again became the focus of foreign ambition and aggression. With England unable to provide decisive assistance in time, France—with Spain's consent—invaded Portugal in 1807. As Napoleon's army under General Junot entered Lisbon meeting no resistance, Portugal's royal family fled on a British fleet to Brazil, where it remained in exile until 1821. In the meantime, Portugal's overseas empire was again under threat. There was a power vacuum as the monarch was absent, foreign armies were present, and new political notions of liberalism and constitutional monarchy were exciting various groups of citizens.
       Again England came to the rescue, this time in the form of the armies of the duke of Wellington. Three successive French invasions of Portugal were defeated and expelled, and Wellington succeeded in carrying the war against Napoleon across the Portuguese frontier into Spain. The presence of the English army, the new French-born liberal ideas, and the political vacuum combined to create revolutionary conditions. The French invasions and the peninsular wars, where Portuguese armed forces played a key role, marked the beginning of a new era in politics.
       Liberalism and Constitutional Monarchy, 1822-1910
       During 1807-22, foreign invasions, war, and civil strife over conflicting political ideas gravely damaged Portugal's commerce, economy, and novice industry. The next terrible blow was the loss of Brazil in 1822, the jewel in the imperial crown. Portugal's very independence seemed to be at risk. In vain, Portugal sought to resist Brazilian independence by force, but in 1825 it formally acknowledged Brazilian independence by treaty.
       Portugal's slow recovery from the destructive French invasions and the "war of independence" was complicated by civil strife over the form of constitutional monarchy that best suited Portugal. After struggles over these issues between 1820 and 1834, Portugal settled somewhat uncertainly into a moderate constitutional monarchy whose constitution (Charter of 1826) lent it strong political powers to exert a moderating influence between the executive and legislative branches of the government. It also featured a new upper middle class based on land ownership and commerce; a Catholic Church that, although still important, lived with reduced privileges and property; a largely African (third) empire to which Lisbon and Oporto devoted increasing spiritual and material resources, starting with the liberal imperial plans of 1836 and 1851, and continuing with the work of institutions like the Lisbon Society of Geography (established 1875); and a mass of rural peasants whose bonds to the land weakened after 1850 and who began to immigrate in increasing numbers to Brazil and North America.
       Chronic military intervention in national politics began in 19th-century Portugal. Such intervention, usually commencing with coups or pronunciamentos (military revolts), was a shortcut to the spoils of political office and could reflect popular discontent as well as the power of personalities. An early example of this was the 1817 golpe (coup) attempt of General Gomes Freire against British military rule in Portugal before the return of King João VI from Brazil. Except for a more stable period from 1851 to 1880, military intervention in politics, or the threat thereof, became a feature of the constitutional monarchy's political life, and it continued into the First Republic and the subsequent Estado Novo.
       Beginning with the Regeneration period (1851-80), Portugal experienced greater political stability and economic progress. Military intervention in politics virtually ceased; industrialization and construction of railroads, roads, and bridges proceeded; two political parties (Regenerators and Historicals) worked out a system of rotation in power; and leading intellectuals sparked a cultural revival in several fields. In 19th-century literature, there was a new golden age led by such figures as Alexandre Herculano (historian), Eça de Queirós (novelist), Almeida Garrett (playwright and essayist), Antero de Quental (poet), and Joaquim Oliveira Martins (historian and social scientist). In its third overseas empire, Portugal attempted to replace the slave trade and slavery with legitimate economic activities; to reform the administration; and to expand Portuguese holdings beyond coastal footholds deep into the African hinterlands in West, West Central, and East Africa. After 1841, to some extent, and especially after 1870, colonial affairs, combined with intense nationalism, pressures for economic profit in Africa, sentiment for national revival, and the drift of European affairs would make or break Lisbon governments.
       Beginning with the political crisis that arose out of the "English Ultimatum" affair of January 1890, the monarchy became discredtted and identified with the poorly functioning government, political parties splintered, and republicanism found more supporters. Portugal participated in the "Scramble for Africa," expanding its African holdings, but failed to annex territory connecting Angola and Mozambique. A growing foreign debt and state bankruptcy as of the early 1890s damaged the constitutional monarchy's reputation, despite the efforts of King Carlos in diplomacy, the renewal of the alliance in the Windsor Treaty of 1899, and the successful if bloody colonial wars in the empire (1880-97). Republicanism proclaimed that Portugal's weak economy and poor society were due to two historic institutions: the monarchy and the Catholic Church. A republic, its stalwarts claimed, would bring greater individual liberty; efficient, if more decentralized government; and a stronger colonial program while stripping the Church of its role in both society and education.
       As the monarchy lost support and republicans became more aggressive, violence increased in politics. King Carlos I and his heir Luís were murdered in Lisbon by anarchist-republicans on 1 February 1908. Following a military and civil insurrection and fighting between monarchist and republican forces, on 5 October 1910, King Manuel II fled Portugal and a republic was proclaimed.
       First Parliamentary Republic, 1910-26
       Portugal's first attempt at republican government was the most unstable, turbulent parliamentary republic in the history of 20th-century Western Europe. During a little under 16 years of the republic, there were 45 governments, a number of legislatures that did not complete normal terms, military coups, and only one president who completed his four-year term in office. Portuguese society was poorly prepared for this political experiment. Among the deadly legacies of the monarchy were a huge public debt; a largely rural, apolitical, and illiterate peasant population; conflict over the causes of the country's misfortunes; and lack of experience with a pluralist, democratic system.
       The republic had some talented leadership but lacked popular, institutional, and economic support. The 1911 republican constitution established only a limited democracy, as only a small portion of the adult male citizenry was eligible to vote. In a country where the majority was Catholic, the republic passed harshly anticlerical laws, and its institutions and supporters persecuted both the Church and its adherents. During its brief disjointed life, the First Republic drafted important reform plans in economic, social, and educational affairs; actively promoted development in the empire; and pursued a liberal, generous foreign policy. Following British requests for Portugal's assistance in World War I, Portugal entered the war on the Allied side in March 1916 and sent armies to Flanders and Portuguese Africa. Portugal's intervention in that conflict, however, was too costly in many respects, and the ultimate failure of the republic in part may be ascribed to Portugal's World War I activities.
       Unfortunately for the republic, its time coincided with new threats to Portugal's African possessions: World War I, social and political demands from various classes that could not be reconciled, excessive military intervention in politics, and, in particular, the worst economic and financial crisis Portugal had experienced since the 16th and 17th centuries. After the original Portuguese Republican Party (PRP, also known as the "Democrats") splintered into three warring groups in 1912, no true multiparty system emerged. The Democrats, except for only one or two elections, held an iron monopoly of electoral power, and political corruption became a major issue. As extreme right-wing dictatorships elsewhere in Europe began to take power in Italy (1922), neighboring Spain (1923), and Greece (1925), what scant popular support remained for the republic collapsed. Backed by a right-wing coalition of landowners from Alentejo, clergy, Coimbra University faculty and students, Catholic organizations, and big business, career military officers led by General Gomes da Costa executed a coup on 28 May 1926, turned out the last republican government, and established a military government.
       The Estado Novo (New State), 1926-74
       During the military phase (1926-32) of the Estado Novo, professional military officers, largely from the army, governed and administered Portugal and held key cabinet posts, but soon discovered that the military possessed no magic formula that could readily solve the problems inherited from the First Republic. Especially during the years 1926-31, the military dictatorship, even with its political repression of republican activities and institutions (military censorship of the press, political police action, and closure of the republic's rowdy parliament), was characterized by similar weaknesses: personalism and factionalism; military coups and political instability, including civil strife and loss of life; state debt and bankruptcy; and a weak economy. "Barracks parliamentarism" was not an acceptable alternative even to the "Nightmare Republic."
       Led by General Óscar Carmona, who had replaced and sent into exile General Gomes da Costa, the military dictatorship turned to a civilian expert in finance and economics to break the budget impasse and bring coherence to the disorganized system. Appointed minister of finance on 27 April 1928, the Coimbra University Law School professor of economics Antônio de Oliveira Salazar (1889-1970) first reformed finance, helped balance the budget, and then turned to other concerns as he garnered extraordinary governing powers. In 1930, he was appointed interim head of another key ministry (Colonies) and within a few years had become, in effect, a civilian dictator who, with the military hierarchy's support, provided the government with coherence, a program, and a set of policies.
       For nearly 40 years after he was appointed the first civilian prime minister in 1932, Salazar's personality dominated the government. Unlike extreme right-wing dictators elsewhere in Europe, Salazar was directly appointed by the army but was never endorsed by a popular political party, street militia, or voter base. The scholarly, reclusive former Coimbra University professor built up what became known after 1932 as the Estado Novo ("New State"), which at the time of its overthrow by another military coup in 1974, was the longest surviving authoritarian regime in Western Europe. The system of Salazar and the largely academic and technocratic ruling group he gathered in his cabinets was based on the central bureaucracy of the state, which was supported by the president of the republic—always a senior career military officer, General Óscar Carmona (1928-51), General Craveiro Lopes (1951-58), and Admiral Américo Tómaz (1958-74)—and the complicity of various institutions. These included a rubber-stamp legislature called the National Assembly (1935-74) and a political police known under various names: PVDE (1932-45), PIDE (1945-69),
       and DGS (1969-74). Other defenders of the Estado Novo security were paramilitary organizations such as the National Republican Guard (GNR); the Portuguese Legion (PL); and the Portuguese Youth [Movement]. In addition to censorship of the media, theater, and books, there was political repression and a deliberate policy of depoliticization. All political parties except for the approved movement of regime loyalists, the União Nacional or (National Union), were banned.
       The most vigorous and more popular period of the New State was 1932-44, when the basic structures were established. Never monolithic or entirely the work of one person (Salazar), the New State was constructed with the assistance of several dozen top associates who were mainly academics from law schools, some technocrats with specialized skills, and a handful of trusted career military officers. The 1933 Constitution declared Portugal to be a "unitary, corporative Republic," and pressures to restore the monarchy were resisted. Although some of the regime's followers were fascists and pseudofascists, many more were conservative Catholics, integralists, nationalists, and monarchists of different varieties, and even some reactionary republicans. If the New State was authoritarian, it was not totalitarian and, unlike fascism in Benito Mussolini's Italy or Adolf Hitler's Germany, it usually employed the minimum of violence necessary to defeat what remained a largely fractious, incoherent opposition.
       With the tumultuous Second Republic and the subsequent civil war in nearby Spain, the regime felt threatened and reinforced its defenses. During what Salazar rightly perceived as a time of foreign policy crisis for Portugal (1936-45), he assumed control of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. From there, he pursued four basic foreign policy objectives: supporting the Nationalist rebels of General Francisco Franco in the Spanish Civil War (1936-39) and concluding defense treaties with a triumphant Franco; ensuring that General Franco in an exhausted Spain did not enter World War II on the Axis side; maintaining Portuguese neutrality in World War II with a post-1942 tilt toward the Allies, including granting Britain and the United States use of bases in the Azores Islands; and preserving and protecting Portugal's Atlantic Islands and its extensive, if poor, overseas empire in Africa and Asia.
       During the middle years of the New State (1944-58), many key Salazar associates in government either died or resigned, and there was greater social unrest in the form of unprecedented strikes and clandestine Communist activities, intensified opposition, and new threatening international pressures on Portugal's overseas empire. During the earlier phase of the Cold War (1947-60), Portugal became a steadfast, if weak, member of the US-dominated North Atlantic Treaty Organization alliance and, in 1955, with American support, Portugal joined the United Nations (UN). Colonial affairs remained a central concern of the regime. As of 1939, Portugal was the third largest colonial power in the world and possessed territories in tropical Africa (Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, and São Tomé and Príncipe Islands) and the remnants of its 16th-century empire in Asia (Goa, Damão, Diu, East Timor, and Macau). Beginning in the early 1950s, following the independence of India in 1947, Portugal resisted Indian pressures to decolonize Portuguese India and used police forces to discourage internal opposition in its Asian and African colonies.
       The later years of the New State (1958-68) witnessed the aging of the increasingly isolated but feared Salazar and new threats both at home and overseas. Although the regime easily overcame the brief oppositionist threat from rival presidential candidate General Humberto Delgado in the spring of 1958, new developments in the African and Asian empires imperiled the authoritarian system. In February 1961, oppositionists hijacked the Portuguese ocean liner Santa Maria and, in following weeks, African insurgents in northern Angola, although they failed to expel the Portuguese, gained worldwide media attention, discredited the New State, and began the 13-year colonial war. After thwarting a dissident military coup against his continued leadership, Salazar and his ruling group mobilized military repression in Angola and attempted to develop the African colonies at a faster pace in order to ensure Portuguese control. Meanwhile, the other European colonial powers (Britain, France, Belgium, and Spain) rapidly granted political independence to their African territories.
       At the time of Salazar's removal from power in September 1968, following a stroke, Portugal's efforts to maintain control over its colonies appeared to be successful. President Americo Tomás appointed Dr. Marcello Caetano as Salazar's successor as prime minister. While maintaining the New State's basic structures, and continuing the regime's essential colonial policy, Caetano attempted wider reforms in colonial administration and some devolution of power from Lisbon, as well as more freedom of expression in Lisbon. Still, a great deal of the budget was devoted to supporting the wars against the insurgencies in Africa. Meanwhile in Asia, Portuguese India had fallen when the Indian army invaded in December 1961. The loss of Goa was a psychological blow to the leadership of the New State, and of the Asian empire only East Timor and Macau remained.
       The Caetano years (1968-74) were but a hiatus between the waning Salazar era and a new regime. There was greater political freedom and rapid economic growth (5-6 percent annually to late 1973), but Caetano's government was unable to reform the old system thoroughly and refused to consider new methods either at home or in the empire. In the end, regime change came from junior officers of the professional military who organized the Armed Forces Movement (MFA) against the Caetano government. It was this group of several hundred officers, mainly in the army and navy, which engineered a largely bloodless coup in Lisbon on 25 April 1974. Their unexpected action brought down the 48-year-old New State and made possible the eventual establishment and consolidation of democratic governance in Portugal, as well as a reorientation of the country away from the Atlantic toward Europe.
       Revolution of Carnations, 1974-76
       Following successful military operations of the Armed Forces Movement against the Caetano government, Portugal experienced what became known as the "Revolution of Carnations." It so happened that during the rainy week of the military golpe, Lisbon flower shops were featuring carnations, and the revolutionaries and their supporters adopted the red carnation as the common symbol of the event, as well as of the new freedom from dictatorship. The MFA, whose leaders at first were mostly little-known majors and captains, proclaimed a three-fold program of change for the new Portugal: democracy; decolonization of the overseas empire, after ending the colonial wars; and developing a backward economy in the spirit of opportunity and equality. During the first 24 months after the coup, there was civil strife, some anarchy, and a power struggle. With the passing of the Estado Novo, public euphoria burst forth as the new provisional military government proclaimed the freedoms of speech, press, and assembly, and abolished censorship, the political police, the Portuguese Legion, Portuguese Youth, and other New State organizations, including the National Union. Scores of political parties were born and joined the senior political party, the Portuguese Community Party (PCP), and the Socialist Party (PS), founded shortly before the coup.
       Portugal's Revolution of Carnations went through several phases. There was an attempt to take control by radical leftists, including the PCP and its allies. This was thwarted by moderate officers in the army, as well as by the efforts of two political parties: the PS and the Social Democrats (PPD, later PSD). The first phase was from April to September 1974. Provisional president General Antonio Spínola, whose 1974 book Portugal and the Future had helped prepare public opinion for the coup, met irresistible leftist pressures. After Spinola's efforts to avoid rapid decolonization of the African empire failed, he resigned in September 1974. During the second phase, from September 1974 to March 1975, radical military officers gained control, but a coup attempt by General Spínola and his supporters in Lisbon in March 1975 failed and Spínola fled to Spain.
       In the third phase of the Revolution, March-November 1975, a strong leftist reaction followed. Farm workers occupied and "nationalized" 1.1 million hectares of farmland in the Alentejo province, and radical military officers in the provisional government ordered the nationalization of Portuguese banks (foreign banks were exempted), utilities, and major industries, or about 60 percent of the economic system. There were power struggles among various political parties — a total of 50 emerged—and in the streets there was civil strife among labor, military, and law enforcement groups. A constituent assembly, elected on 25 April 1975, in Portugal's first free elections since 1926, drafted a democratic constitution. The Council of the Revolution (CR), briefly a revolutionary military watchdog committee, was entrenched as part of the government under the constitution, until a later revision. During the chaotic year of 1975, about 30 persons were killed in political frays while unstable provisional governments came and went. On 25 November 1975, moderate military forces led by Colonel Ramalho Eanes, who later was twice elected president of the republic (1976 and 1981), defeated radical, leftist military groups' revolutionary conspiracies.
       In the meantime, Portugal's scattered overseas empire experienced a precipitous and unprepared decolonization. One by one, the former colonies were granted and accepted independence—Guinea-Bissau (September 1974), Cape Verde Islands (July 1975), and Mozambique (July 1975). Portugal offered to turn over Macau to the People's Republic of China, but the offer was refused then and later negotiations led to the establishment of a formal decolonization or hand-over date of 1999. But in two former colonies, the process of decolonization had tragic results.
       In Angola, decolonization negotiations were greatly complicated by the fact that there were three rival nationalist movements in a struggle for power. The January 1975 Alvor Agreement signed by Portugal and these three parties was not effectively implemented. A bloody civil war broke out in Angola in the spring of 1975 and, when Portuguese armed forces withdrew and declared that Angola was independent on 11 November 1975, the bloodshed only increased. Meanwhile, most of the white Portuguese settlers from Angola and Mozambique fled during the course of 1975. Together with African refugees, more than 600,000 of these retornados ("returned ones") went by ship and air to Portugal and thousands more to Namibia, South Africa, Brazil, Canada, and the United States.
       The second major decolonization disaster was in Portugal's colony of East Timor in the Indonesian archipelago. Portugal's capacity to supervise and control a peaceful transition to independence in this isolated, neglected colony was limited by the strength of giant Indonesia, distance from Lisbon, and Portugal's revolutionary disorder and inability to defend Timor. In early December 1975, before Portugal granted formal independence and as one party, FRETILIN, unilaterally declared East Timor's independence, Indonesia's armed forces invaded, conquered, and annexed East Timor. Indonesian occupation encountered East Timorese resistance, and a heavy loss of life followed. The East Timor question remained a contentious international issue in the UN, as well as in Lisbon and Jakarta, for more than 20 years following Indonesia's invasion and annexation of the former colony of Portugal. Major changes occurred, beginning in 1998, after Indonesia underwent a political revolution and allowed a referendum in East Timor to decide that territory's political future in August 1999. Most East Timorese chose independence, but Indonesian forces resisted that verdict until
       UN intervention in September 1999. Following UN rule for several years, East Timor attained full independence on 20 May 2002.
       Consolidation of Democracy, 1976-2000
       After several free elections and record voter turnouts between 25 April 1975 and June 1976, civil war was averted and Portugal's second democratic republic began to stabilize. The MFA was dissolved, the military were returned to the barracks, and increasingly elected civilians took over the government of the country. The 1976 Constitution was revised several times beginning in 1982 and 1989, in order to reempha-size the principle of free enterprise in the economy while much of the large, nationalized sector was privatized. In June 1976, General Ram-alho Eanes was elected the first constitutional president of the republic (five-year term), and he appointed socialist leader Dr. Mário Soares as prime minister of the first constitutional government.
       From 1976 to 1985, Portugal's new system featured a weak economy and finances, labor unrest, and administrative and political instability. The difficult consolidation of democratic governance was eased in part by the strong currency and gold reserves inherited from the Estado Novo, but Lisbon seemed unable to cope with high unemployment, new debt, the complex impact of the refugees from Africa, world recession, and the agitation of political parties. Four major parties emerged from the maelstrom of 1974-75, except for the Communist Party, all newly founded. They were, from left to right, the Communists (PCP); the Socialists (PS), who managed to dominate governments and the legislature but not win a majority in the Assembly of the Republic; the Social Democrats (PSD); and the Christian Democrats (CDS). During this period, the annual growth rate was low (l-2 percent), and the nationalized sector of the economy stagnated.
       Enhanced economic growth, greater political stability, and more effective central government as of 1985, and especially 1987, were due to several developments. In 1977, Portugal applied for membership in the European Economic Community (EEC), now the European Union (EU) since 1993. In January 1986, with Spain, Portugal was granted membership, and economic and financial progress in the intervening years has been significantly influenced by the comparatively large investment, loans, technology, advice, and other assistance from the EEC. Low unemployment, high annual growth rates (5 percent), and moderate inflation have also been induced by the new political and administrative stability in Lisbon. Led by Prime Minister Cavaco Silva, an economist who was trained abroad, the PSD's strong organization, management, and electoral support since 1985 have assisted in encouraging economic recovery and development. In 1985, the PSD turned the PS out of office and won the general election, although they did not have an absolute majority of assembly seats. In 1986, Mário Soares was elected president of the republic, the first civilian to hold that office since the First Republic. In the elections of 1987 and 1991, however, the PSD was returned to power with clear majorities of over 50 percent of the vote.
       Although the PSD received 50.4 percent of the vote in the 1991 parliamentary elections and held a 42-seat majority in the Assembly of the Republic, the party began to lose public support following media revelations regarding corruption and complaints about Prime Minister Cavaco Silva's perceived arrogant leadership style. President Mário Soares voiced criticism of the PSD's seemingly untouchable majority and described a "tyranny of the majority." Economic growth slowed down. In the parliamentary elections of 1995 and the presidential election of 1996, the PSD's dominance ended for the time being. Prime Minister Antônio Guterres came to office when the PS won the October 1995 elections, and in the subsequent presidential contest, in January 1996, socialist Jorge Sampaio, the former mayor of Lisbon, was elected president of the republic, thus defeating Cavaco Silva's bid. Young and popular, Guterres moved the PS toward the center of the political spectrum. Under Guterres, the PS won the October 1999 parliamentary elections. The PS defeated the PSD but did not manage to win a clear, working majority of seats, and this made the PS dependent upon alliances with smaller parties, including the PCP.
       In the local elections in December 2001, the PSD's criticism of PS's heavy public spending allowed the PSD to take control of the key cities of Lisbon, Oporto, and Coimbra. Guterres resigned, and parliamentary elections were brought forward from 2004 to March 2002. The PSD won a narrow victory with 40 percent of the votes, and Jose Durão Barroso became prime minister. Having failed to win a majority of the seats in parliament forced the PSD to govern in coalition with the right-wing Popular Party (PP) led by Paulo Portas. Durão Barroso set about reducing government spending by cutting the budgets of local authorities, freezing civil service hiring, and reviving the economy by accelerating privatization of state-owned enterprises. These measures provoked a 24-hour strike by public-sector workers. Durão Barroso reacted with vows to press ahead with budget-cutting measures and imposed a wage freeze on all employees earning more than €1,000, which affected more than one-half of Portugal's work force.
       In June 2004, Durão Barroso was invited by Romano Prodi to succeed him as president of the European Commission. Durão Barroso accepted and resigned the prime ministership in July. Pedro Santana Lopes, the leader of the PSD, became prime minister. Already unpopular at the time of Durão Barroso's resignation, the PSD-led government became increasingly unpopular under Santana Lopes. A month-long delay in the start of the school year and confusion over his plan to cut taxes and raise public-sector salaries, eroded confidence even more. By November, Santana Lopes's government was so unpopular that President Jorge Sampaio was obliged to dissolve parliament and hold new elections, two years ahead of schedule.
       Parliamentary elections were held on 20 February 2005. The PS, which had promised the electorate disciplined and transparent governance, educational reform, the alleviation of poverty, and a boost in employment, won 45 percent of the vote and the majority of the seats in parliament. The leader of the PS, José Sôcrates became prime minister on 12 March 2005. In the regularly scheduled presidential elections held on 6 January 2006, the former leader of the PSD and prime minister, Aníbal Cavaco Silva, won a narrow victory and became president on 9 March 2006. With a mass protest, public teachers' strike, and street demonstrations in March 2008, Portugal's media, educational, and social systems experienced more severe pressures. With the spreading global recession beginning in September 2008, Portugal's economic and financial systems became more troubled.
       Owing to its geographic location on the southwestern most edge of continental Europe, Portugal has been historically in but not of Europe. Almost from the beginning of its existence in the 12th century as an independent monarchy, Portugal turned its back on Europe and oriented itself toward the Atlantic Ocean. After carving out a Christian kingdom on the western portion of the Iberian peninsula, Portuguese kings gradually built and maintained a vast seaborne global empire that became central to the way Portugal understood its individuality as a nation-state. While the creation of this empire allows Portugal to claim an unusual number of "firsts" or distinctions in world and Western history, it also retarded Portugal's economic, social, and political development. It can be reasonably argued that the Revolution of 25 April 1974 was the most decisive event in Portugal's long history because it finally ended Portugal's oceanic mission and view of itself as an imperial power. After the 1974 Revolution, Portugal turned away from its global mission and vigorously reoriented itself toward Europe. Contemporary Portugal is now both in and of Europe.
       The turn toward Europe began immediately after 25 April 1974. Portugal granted independence to its African colonies in 1975. It was admitted to the European Council and took the first steps toward accession to the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1976. On 28 March 1977, the Portuguese government officially applied for EEC membership. Because of Portugal's economic and social backwardness, which would require vast sums of EEC money to overcome, negotiations for membership were long and difficult. Finally, a treaty of accession was signed on 12 June 1985. Portugal officially joined the EEC (the European Union [EU] since 1993) on 1 January 1986. Since becoming a full-fledged member of the EU, Portugal has been steadily overcoming the economic and social underdevelopment caused by its imperial past and is becoming more like the rest of Europe.
       Membership in the EU has speeded up the structural transformation of Portugal's economy, which actually began during the Estado Novo. Investments made by the Estado Novo in Portugal's economy began to shift employment out of the agricultural sector, which, in 1950, accounted for 50 percent of Portugal's economically active population. Today, only 10 percent of the economically active population is employed in the agricultural sector (the highest among EU member states); 30 percent in the industrial sector (also the highest among EU member states); and 60 percent in the service sector (the lowest among EU member states). The economically active population numbers about 5,000,000 employed, 56 percent of whom are women. Women workers are the majority of the workforce in the agricultural and service sectors (the highest among the EU member states). The expansion of the service sector has been primarily in health care and education. Portugal has had the lowest unemployment rates among EU member states, with the overall rate never being more than 10 percent of the active population. Since joining the EU, the number of employers increased from 2.6 percent to 5.8 percent of the active population; self-employed from 16 to 19 percent; and employees from 65 to 70 percent. Twenty-six percent of the employers are women. Unemployment tends to hit younger workers in industry and transportation, women employed in domestic service, workers on short-term contracts, and poorly educated workers. Salaried workers earn only 63 percent of the EU average, and hourly workers only one-third to one-half of that earned by their EU counterparts. Despite having had the second highest growth of gross national product (GNP) per inhabitant (after Ireland) among EU member states, the above data suggest that while much has been accomplished in terms of modernizing the Portuguese economy, much remains to be done to bring Portugal's economy up to the level of the "average" EU member state.
       Membership in the EU has also speeded up changes in Portuguese society. Over the last 30 years, coastalization and urbanization have intensified. Fully 50 percent of Portuguese live in the coastal urban conurbations of Lisbon, Oporto, Braga, Aveiro, Coimbra, Viseu, Évora, and Faro. The Portuguese population is one of the oldest among EU member states (17.3 percent are 65 years of age or older) thanks to a considerable increase in life expectancy at birth (77.87 years for the total population, 74.6 years for men, 81.36 years for women) and one of the lowest birthrates (10.59 births/1,000) in Europe. Family size averages 2.8 persons per household, with the strict nuclear family (one or two generations) in which both parents work being typical. Common law marriages, cohabitating couples, and single-parent households are more and more common. The divorce rate has also increased. "Youth Culture" has developed. The young have their own meeting places, leisure-time activities, and nightlife (bars, clubs, and discos).
       All Portuguese citizens, whether they have contributed or not, have a right to an old-age pension, invalidity benefits, widowed persons' pension, as well as payments for disabilities, children, unemployment, and large families. There is a national minimum wage (€385 per month), which is low by EU standards. The rapid aging of Portugal's population has changed the ratio of contributors to pensioners to 1.7, the lowest in the EU. This has created deficits in Portugal's social security fund.
       The adult literacy rate is about 92 percent. Illiteracy is still found among the elderly. Although universal compulsory education up to grade 9 was achieved in 1980, only 21.2 percent of the population aged 25-64 had undergone secondary education, compared to an EU average of 65.7 percent. Portugal's higher education system currently consists of 14 state universities and 14 private universities, 15 state polytechnic institutions, one Catholic university, and one military academy. All in all, Portugal spends a greater percentage of its state budget on education than most EU member states. Despite this high level of expenditure, the troubled Portuguese education system does not perform well. Early leaving and repetition rates are among the highest among EU member states.
       After the Revolution of 25 April 1974, Portugal created a National Health Service, which today consists of 221 hospitals and 512 medical centers employing 33,751 doctors and 41,799 nurses. Like its education system, Portugal's medical system is inefficient. There are long waiting lists for appointments with specialists and for surgical procedures.
       Structural changes in Portugal's economy and society mean that social life in Portugal is not too different from that in other EU member states. A mass consumption society has been created. Televisions, telephones, refrigerators, cars, music equipment, mobile phones, and personal computers are commonplace. Sixty percent of Portuguese households possess at least one automobile, and 65 percent of Portuguese own their own home. Portuguese citizens are more aware of their legal rights than ever before. This has resulted in a trebling of the number of legal proceeding since 1960 and an eight-fold increase in the number of lawyers. In general, Portuguese society has become more permissive and secular; the Catholic Church and the armed forces are much less influential than in the past. Portugal's population is also much more culturally, religiously, and ethnically diverse, a consequence of the coming to Portugal of hundreds of thousands of immigrants, mainly from former African colonies.
       Portuguese are becoming more cosmopolitan and sophisticated through the impact of world media, the Internet, and the World Wide Web. A prime case in point came in the summer and early fall of 1999, with the extraordinary events in East Timor and the massive Portuguese popular responses. An internationally monitored referendum in East Timor, Portugal's former colony in the Indonesian archipelago and under Indonesian occupation from late 1975 to summer 1999, resulted in a vote of 78.5 percent for rejecting integration with Indonesia and for independence. When Indonesian prointegration gangs, aided by the Indonesian military, responded to the referendum with widespread brutality and threatened to reverse the verdict of the referendum, there was a spontaneous popular outpouring of protest in the cities and towns of Portugal. An avalanche of Portuguese e-mail fell on leaders and groups in the UN and in certain countries around the world as Portugal's diplomats, perhaps to compensate for the weak initial response to Indonesian armed aggression in 1975, called for the protection of East Timor as an independent state and for UN intervention to thwart Indonesian action. Using global communications networks, the Portuguese were able to mobilize UN and world public opinion against Indonesian actions and aided the eventual independence of East Timor on 20 May 2002.
       From the Revolution of 25 April 1974 until the 1990s, Portugal had a large number of political parties, one of the largest Communist parties in western Europe, frequent elections, and endemic cabinet instability. Since the 1990s, the number of political parties has been dramatically reduced and cabinet stability increased. Gradually, the Portuguese electorate has concentrated around two larger parties, the right-of-center Social Democrats (PSD) and the left-of-center Socialist (PS). In the 1980s, these two parties together garnered 65 percent of the vote and 70 percent of the seats in parliament. In 2005, these percentages had risen to 74 percent and 85 percent, respectively. In effect, Portugal is currently a two-party dominant system in which the two largest parties — PS and PSD—alternate in and out of power, not unlike the rotation of the two main political parties (the Regenerators and the Historicals) during the last decades (1850s to 1880s) of the liberal constitutional monarchy. As Portugal's democracy has consolidated, turnout rates for the eligible electorate have declined. In the 1970s, turnout was 85 percent. In Portugal's most recent parliamentary election (2005), turnout had fallen to 65 percent of the eligible electorate.
       Portugal has benefited greatly from membership in the EU, and whatever doubts remain about the price paid for membership, no Portuguese government in the near future can afford to sever this connection. The vast majority of Portuguese citizens see membership in the EU as a "good thing" and strongly believe that Portugal has benefited from membership. Only the Communist Party opposed membership because it reduces national sovereignty, serves the interests of capitalists not workers, and suffers from a democratic deficit. Despite the high level of support for the EU, Portuguese voters are increasingly not voting in elections for the European Parliament, however. Turnout for European Parliament elections fell from 40 percent of the eligible electorate in the 1999 elections to 38 percent in the 2004 elections.
       In sum, Portugal's turn toward Europe has done much to overcome its backwardness. However, despite the economic, social, and political progress made since 1986, Portugal has a long way to go before it can claim to be on a par with the level found even in Spain, much less the rest of western Europe. As Portugal struggles to move from underde-velopment, especially in the rural areas away from the coast, it must keep in mind the perils of too rapid modern development, which could damage two of its most precious assets: its scenery and environment. The growth and future prosperity of the economy will depend on the degree to which the government and the private sector will remain stewards of clean air, soil, water, and other finite resources on which the tourism industry depends and on which Portugal's world image as a unique place to visit rests. Currently, Portugal is investing heavily in renewable energy from solar, wind, and wave power in order to account for about 50 percent of its electricity needs by 2010. Portugal opened the world's largest solar power plant and the world's first commercial wave power farm in 2006.
       An American documentary film on Portugal produced in the 1970s described this little country as having "a Past in Search of a Future." In the years after the Revolution of 25 April 1974, it could be said that Portugal is now living in "a Present in Search of a Future." Increasingly, that future lies in Europe as an active and productive member of the EU.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Historical Portugal

  • 6 line

    I 1. noun
    1) ((a piece of) thread, cord, rope etc: She hung the washing on the line; a fishing-rod and line.) vrv
    2) (a long, narrow mark, streak or stripe: She drew straight lines across the page; a dotted/wavy line.) črta
    3) (outline or shape especially relating to length or direction: The ship had very graceful lines; A dancer uses a mirror to improve his line.) linija
    4) (a groove on the skin; a wrinkle.) guba
    5) (a row or group of objects or persons arranged side by side or one behind the other: The children stood in a line; a line of trees.) vrsta
    6) (a short letter: I'll drop him a line.) kratko sporočilo
    7) (a series or group of persons which come one after the other especially in the same family: a line of kings.) rod
    8) (a track or direction: He pointed out the line of the new road; a new line of research.) smer
    9) (the railway or a single track of the railway: Passengers must cross the line by the bridge only.) tir
    10) (a continuous system (especially of pipes, electrical or telephone cables etc) connecting one place with another: a pipeline; a line of communication; All (telephone) lines are engaged.) cevovod, omrežje
    11) (a row of written or printed words: The letter contained only three lines; a poem of sixteen lines.) vrstica
    12) (a regular service of ships, aircraft etc: a shipping line.) linija
    13) (a group or class (of goods for sale) or a field of activity, interest etc: This has been a very popular new line; Computers are not really my line.) vrsta izdelkov; področje
    14) (an arrangement of troops, especially when ready to fight: fighting in the front line.) bojna vrsta
    2. verb
    1) (to form lines along: Crowds lined the pavement to see the Queen.) postaviti se v vrsto
    2) (to mark with lines.) začrtati
    - linear - linesman
    - hard lines!
    - in line for
    - in
    - out of line with
    - line up
    - read between the lines
    II verb
    1) (to cover on the inside: She lined the box with newspaper.) obložiti
    2) (to put a lining in: She lined the dress with silk.) podložiti
    * * *
    I [lain]
    noun
    črta, linija, poteza; guba, brazda (na obrazu, roki); mathematics črta (zlasti premica); geography ekvator, poldnevnik, vzporednik; smer, pot (avtobusna, železniška) proga, tir; plural obris, kontura, oblika; plural načrt (ladje), osnutek, plan; plural načela, smernice, navodila; način, metoda, postopek; meja, mejna črta (tudi figuratively); vrsta, niz, rep (ljudi); soglasje; rod, veja, koleno, pokolenje; printing vrstica; kratko sporočilo, kratko pismo; stih, pesmica (upon s.th. to s.o.); plural British English latinski stihi, ki jih mora dijak prepisati za kazen, kazenska pismena naloga; plural theatre tekst vloge, vloga; plural colloquially poročni list; colloquially poročilo, pojasnilo; plural usoda; stroka, področje, panoga; telefonska, telegrafska linija; technical vod; economy sortiment, blago, predmet, plural serijsko blago; military (bojna) linija, vrsta, fronta, frontne čete, šotori ali barake v taboru; vrv, konopec; žica, kabel
    line of vision — horizont, obzorje; military vizirna črta
    on the dotted line — v vrsti, ki je namenjena za podpis
    on the line — na meji, politics na liniji
    line of fate (fortune, heart, life) — črta usode (sreče, srca, življenja) na roki
    on the lines laid down by the chairman — po smernicah, ki jih je postavil predsedujoči
    along these lines — po teh navodilih, smernicah
    to take ( —ali keep to) one's own line — ukrepati po svoje, držati se svoje poti
    to take a strong line — (with s.o.) biti čvrst, neomajen (do koga), vztrajati
    to take the line that — zavzeti stališče, da; biti mišljenja, da
    out of line — iz črte, ne na črti; figuratively nesoglasen, nezdružljiv; iz ravnotežja
    that's s.th. out of ( —ali not in) my line — to mi ne leži, ne spada v mojo stroko
    to come ( —ali get, fall) into line — ( with) prilagoditi se (komu, čemu), ravnati se po
    to draw the line — (at) povleči mejo (pri)
    to toe the line — spoštovati predpise; politics biti na liniji
    to give s.o. line enough — popustiti uzde, pustiti komu proste roke
    to go over the line — prekoračiti mejo, mero
    American figuratively to be in line for — pričakovati (službo), upati na
    to be in line with — soglašati s, z
    to bring s.o. into line — ( with) spraviti v sklad s, z
    politics pridobiti koga k sodelovanju; American colloquially to go down the line forzavezati se za kaj (na celi črti)
    to drop s.o. a linenapisati komu par vrstic
    colloquially hard lines — težka usoda, "smola", nesreča
    economy line of goods — vrsta blaga, naročilo zanj
    somewhere along the line — ob neki priliki, v gotovem trenutku
    figuratively by (rule and) line — natančno, precizno
    hook, line, and sinkerpopoln(oma)
    to have s.o. on a linepustiti koga v negotovosti
    II [lain]
    1.
    transitive verb
    črtati, načrtati; začrtati, skicirati, zarisati, orisati; zbrazdati, zgubati (obraz); obrobi.ti, nasaditi (drevje); postaviti v vrste;
    2.
    intransitive verb
    postaviti se v vrste, postrojiti se
    III [lain]
    transitive verb
    podložiti (obleko)
    technical (na notranji strani) prevleči, obložiti, opažiti, podložiti, zaliti; biti za podlogo; oblepiti hrbet knjige; napolniti; slang to line one's purse ( —ali pocket) — napolniti mošnjo, obogateti
    IV [lain]
    transitive verb
    pariti (pse)

    English-Slovenian dictionary > line

  • 7 policy

    •• policy, politics, politician

    •• Policy 1. plan of action, statement of aims and ideals, especially one made by a government, political party, business company, etc. 2. wise, sensible conduct; art of government.
    •• Politics the science or art of government; political views, affairs, questions, etc.
    •• Politician person taking part in politics or much interested in politics; (in a sense) person who follows politics as a career, regardless of principle (A.S. Hornby).
    •• Государственный секретарь Джордж Шульц любил поговорить о разнице между policy и politics. Я, говорил он, старался не втягиваться в politics, а все внимание сосредоточивал на policy, на policy-making. В этом высказывании сконцентрировано различие между этими двумя понятиями, которое часто упускают из виду. Politics – это политическая борьба (не всегда в отрицательном значении; когда из контекста ясно, что значение именно отрицательное, можно переводить политиканство), а policy – это политическая линия, политическая стратегия. Policy statement – не просто политическое, а программное, принципиальное заявление: When Clinton told a discussion group in Shanghai, “Everyone understands that there is a new China emerging in the world that is more prosperous, more open and more dynamic,”... he was not simply making an observation but something tantamount to policy statement. Стоит обратить внимание на словосочетание public policy, которое ближе всего к русскому политика в значении процесс решения главных вопросов жизни государства и общества. Пример из Washington Post: Mr. Kudlow appears to make his mark on public policy. Из Wall Street Journal: Mr. Doron is director of a public policy think tank located near Jerusalem. – Г-н Дорон является руководителем центра исследования политических проблем (или просто политики).
    •• Нередко по смыслу politics относится к внутриполитической сфере. Характерный пример: From Shylock to Scrooge and now to George Soros, it has always been only too easy to cast the man with the moneybags as the villain. And it’s happening again as the countries in Southeast Asia search for a scapegoat for the financial crises that have beset them in recent weeks. [...] All these wild charges, of course, may make good politics (International Herald Tribune). – ...Конечно, на всех этих скандальных обвинениях можно набрать политические очки (или очки во внутриполитической борьбе).
    •• Аналогичный пример: Many if not most citizens of Taiwan no longer believe in reunion with the mainland and are eager for international recognition in their own right. Taiwan’s politics cater to this popular view (Don Oberdorfer). Здесь возможен такой перевод – разумеется, чисто контекстуальный: Тайваньские политики отражают это широко распространенное мнение. Politics может иметь и сильный отрицательный оттенок. Словарь Safire’s Political Dictionary дает следующее определение выражения playing politics: placing partisan gain above the public interest, т.е. ставить узкопартийные интересы выше интересов общества.
    •• Не всегда легко поддается переводу словосочетание the politics of. Вот перевод подзаголовка статьи о политической ситуации на Украине: Политика президентских выборов. Совершенно непонятно, о чем тут речь. Из текста же ясно, что в этом разделе говорится о влиянии будущих президентских выборов на политическую ситуацию, политическую борьбу. Лучше было перевести Президентские выборы и политическая борьба.
    •• Выражение из другого смыслового ряда – office politics. Смысл его – то, что у нас принято называть служебными интригами, подсиживанием. Иногда оно близко по значению к turf (или territorial) battles – ведомственные, бюрократические игры, внутри- или межведомственная борьба (войны).
    •• Не всем известно, что значит слово politic (у него есть еще антоним impolitic). Словари дают значение (политически) выгодный, благоразумный, дальновидный, дипломатичный. В следующем примере из журнала Fortune, скорее всего – осторожный: When Reilly called Tom Florio and Tina Brown for comment, on the record both were politic but behind the scenes they were livid. (Здесь слово livid – синоним mad – вне себя от ярости.)
    •• Теперь обратим внимание на значение слова policy, не всегда отражаемое словарями и близкое к русскому твердое правило. Вот два примера из одного номера журнала «Ньюсуик»:
    •• 1. A new policy [of a television network] prohibits paying “criminals, convicts or miscreants.”
    •• 2. HIID [Harvard Institute for International Development] policy does not allow its employees to invest in the countries they counsel.
    •• Слово politician по-английски – нечто среднее между русскими политик и политикан. Контекст, как правило, позволяет без особого труда решить, какое из этих русских слов подходит лучше. Труднее правильно перевести русское политик. Почти всегда подходит policy-maker, иногда – political leader. Нейтральный, хотя и слишком сухой вариант – political figure. А как же перевести слово политикан? Иногда вполне подойдет politician или petty politician или just a politician. Ну, если нужен «колорит», можно попробовать politico или pol: Washington politicos can’t wait to start slugging (International Herald Tribune). – Вашингтонские политиканы рвутся в драку.
    •• Политические термины, словосочетания, поговорки широко распространены в речи американцев, особенно образованных и следящих за средствами информации, значительное место в которых занимает политика в ее разных ипостасях. Вот несколько словосочетаний со словом political:
    •• political animal«политическое животное», т.е. человек (как правило, политик) с сильно развитыми политическими инстинктами. Кстати, еще Аристотель в своем трактате «Политика» писал: «Человек по природе своей – животное политическое»;
    •• political capital см. также political mileageполитический капитал, выигрыш, «навар». Употребляется обычно с негативным оттенком;
    •• political correctness – понятие политической корректности в последние годы получило распространение и у нас. Поэтому объяснять его нет особой необходимости. Важнее знать, чего не следует говорить (или как не следует выражаться), чтобы не выйти за рамки политически приемлемого в данном обществе. Так, в Великобритании, во всяком случае до недавнего времени, было не принято негативно высказываться о королеве. В Соединенных Штатах давно уже нельзя говорить Negro (раньше говорили и писали black, а теперь не очень корректно и это, сами чернокожие американцы (и многие белые) предпочитают African-American). В качестве общего принципа политической корректности можно сказать так: нужно избегать любых слов и высказываний, которые могут задеть то или иное более или менее организованное меньшинство (за исключением явно экстремистских) – политическое, расовое, сексуальное. Бывшие граждане СССР обычно относятся к политкорректности резко отрицательно, что может быть отчасти реакцией на многолетнюю жизнь в условиях жесткой политической регламентированности. Лучше, однако, не читать по этому поводу нотаций американцам. У истоков Соединенных Штатов стояло религиозное меньшинство (пуритане с корабля «Мэйфлауэр»), и сейчас Америка нередко предстает как огромное «сообщество меньшинств»;
    •• political football объект политических игр. Уильям Сэфайр приводит пример из выступления бывшего президента США Гарри Трумена, обвинившего Дуайта Эйзенхауэра в том, что тот “used our foreign policy as a political football.” Еще одно интересное и малоизвестное значение слова football - «ядерный чемоданчик» – но не в значении миниатюрное ядерное устройство. Определение находим у Сэфайра – the small, thirty-pound metal suitcase containing codes that can launch a nuclear attack. It is carried by a military aide to the President and follows the chief executive wherever he goes;
    •• political mileage – то же самое, что political capital, но с меньшим негативным оттенком.
    •• Несколько выражений политического происхождения вошли в повседневный обиход и стали «повсеместно понятными» (generally understood). В некоторых случаях за ними закрепились и русские эквиваленты, не всегда, впрочем, самые удачные. Так, перевод рузвельтовского New Deal как Новый курс, на мой взгляд не идеален. Франклин Рузвельт в данном случае взял за основу Square Deal своего предшественника и родственника Теодора Рузвельта, который имел в виду не просто некий политический или экономический курс, а нечто большее, о чем свидетельствует следующая цитата: We demand that big business give people a square deal. Речь, как видим, идет скорее о «справедливой сделке», справедливом отношении большого бизнеса («олигархов», как у нас сказали бы сейчас) к большинству населения. Соответственно и Ф.Рузвельт, как явствует из его выступлений, имел в виду своего рода «новый общественный договор» между бизнесом и обществом. Разумеется, перевод Новый курс устоялся и изменению не подлежит, но не вредно знать, что стоит за рузвельтовским лозунгом (почти «новый строй»!). От Ф.Рузвельта остались и fireside chats (радио)беседы у камина – выступления президента по радио с доступным для каждого разъяснением важных вопросов политики и экономики. (Рузвельт использовал этот инструмент очень эффективно, а вот попытки использовать его в другое время и в другой стране выглядели, пожалуй, комично.) Также от Рузвельта остались и Four Freedomsfreedom of speech and expression, freedom to worship God, freedom from want (свобода от нужды) и freedom from fear ( свобода от страха, причем из знаменитой речи Рузвельта 6 января 1941 года ясно, что под этим он имел в виду далеко идущий процесс разоружения).
    •• Знаменитое высказывание Теодора Рузвельта Speak softly and always carry a big stick (говори тихо, но всегда имей с собой большую дубинку) известно у нас в основном в «антиимпериалистической» интерпретации («политика большой дубинки»).
    •• Несколько широко известных словесных шедевров принадлежит Гарри Трумену, например, знаменитое The buck stops here. Табличка с этим лозунгом стояла у него на письменном столе, и означала примерно следующее: «бюрократические игры кончаются здесь». Выражение to pass the buck, от которого происходит труменовский лозунг, означает спихивать на кого-либо решение (ответственность) в важном вопросе (у нас существует не очень распространенное, но яркое словечко спихотехника). Трумен ввел в обиход поговорку If you can’t stand the heat, get out of the kitchen, означающую, что политика – дело жестокое, но приходится терпеть. Если жарко – уходи, никто не держит.
    •• Джон Кеннеди – автор «экономического афоризма» A rising tide lifts all the boats. – Прилив поднимает все лодки, т.е. общий подъем экономики выгоден всем – и богатым, и бедным. Он же в своей инаугурационной речи сказал запомнившиеся американцам слова: Ask not what your country can do for you, ask what you can do for your country. – Не спрашивай, что может сделать для тебя твоя страна, – лучше спроси, что ты можешь для нее сделать.
    •• Любой образованный англичанин или американец, услышав Power corrupts, продолжит: absolute power corrupts absolutely (хотя не все знают, что это высказывание принадлежит английскому историку лорду Эктону – Lord Acton, 1834–1902; кстати, у него Power tends to corrupt – по-моему, точнее). Власть развращает, а безграничная власть развращает безгранично.
    •• Еще несколько политических поговорок, вошедших в обиходную речь:
    •• You scratch my back, I’ll scratch yours. – Услуга за услугу;
    •• You can’t fight City Hall ≈ Плетью обуха не перешибешь;
    •• How you stand depends on where you sit ≈ Где сидишь (т.е. какую должность занимаешь), на том и стоишь (такова и твоя позиция).
    •• Интересное «политическое словосочетание» – вопрос Will it play in Peoria? означает Поймут ли нас в глубинке? Оно появилось во времена президента Никсона, и небольшой (хотя и не самый маленький) город Пеория в штате Иллинойс предстает здесь как символ провинциальности. Джимми Картер не оставил после себя ярких фразеологизмов, зато один из членов его кабинета, земляк президента из штата Джорджия Берт Лэнс прославился фразой: If it ain’t broke, don’t fix it. – Что не сломалось, не чини.
    •• Список фразеологизмов и словосочетаний, политических по происхождению или основной сфере употребления, можно продолжать долго. Ограничусь несколькими, отобранными без особой системы:
    •• bully pulpit – Теодор Рузвельт считал, что президентский пост дает возможность его обладателю быть «отцом нации», нравственным лидером и вдохновителем ее побед. Bully pulpit – «трибуна президента», с которой он проповедует нации;
    •• gut issue«нутряной вопрос». Так говорят о проблеме, нередко надуманной, которая вызывает у избирателей чисто эмоциональную реакцию, «задевает душу», заставляет «голосовать сердцем» (у американцев, как видим, кишечником);
    •• heartbeat away from the presidencyможет быть, не сегодня-завтра президент. Эта фраза является своего рода напоминанием о том, что к выбору (и голосованию за) вице-президента надо подходить со всей ответственностью – случись что с президентом, и, казалось бы, малозначительный (что характерно для большинства администраций) человек становится национальным лидером;
    •• high road... low road – эта фраза стала популярной во время президентской кампании 1948 года, когда республиканский кандидат (и фаворит предвыборной гонки) Томас Дьюи заявил, что не будет отвечать на «удары ниже пояса», к которым прибегал Трумен (как ни странно, тогдашний президент считался underdog, т.е. аутсайдером). To take the high road можно перевести проявить разборчивость в средствах, не прибегать к неэтичным приемам. To take the low road – пойти на все ради победы, бить ниже пояса;
    •• hit listсписок подлежащих (политической) ликвидации. Хотя на Западе уже давно политических противников не ликвидируют физически, словосочетания с hit распространены очень широко ( hit job или hatchet job – заказной «компромат», (political) hitman – поставщик компромата и т.д.);
    •• press the flesh жать руку. «Контакт с народом» – как ни странно, любимое занятие политических деятелей, в чем мне приходилось не раз убеждаться (они действительно получают удовольствие от контакта с незнакомыми людьми);
    •• smoke-filled roomsпрокуренные комнаты. Символизирует келейный характер решений, принимаемых политическими боссами за закрытыми дверями;
    •• smoking gunнеопровержимая улика. Это выражение было в ходу во время уотергейтской эпопеи – у ее участников были разные мнения о том, есть ли такие улики против президента Никсона. На сегодняшний день об этом, пожалуй, можно сказать: This is a moot question. См. статью moot.
    •• * Английский язык – особенно его американский вариант – возможно, уникален в проведении резкой черты между politics и policy. Различия между ними довольно подробно, хотя и неполно, описаны в «Моем несистематическом словаре», но в данном случае речь не о них, а о том, что и сами американцы, видимо, чувствуют, что в реальной жизни это единый организм. Наверное, не случайно политический раздел в газете Wall Street Journal называется Policy and Politics. A вот цитата из New York Times:
    •• Good, artful writing, writing with voice and style, turns up in lots of places: in memoirs, in books about history and science, and sometimes even in books about politics and policy.
    •• Самый естественный – и абсолютно правильный – перевод здесь: ... и иногда даже в книгах о политике. (Потому что в русском понимании выработка политического курса, сам этот курс и политическая борьба отделяются друг от друга только по необходимости, а не «по умолчанию».)
    •• К этой же теме: интересная трансформация происходит со словосочетанием political strategist. Если раньше его значение было близко к тому, как мы понимаем его русский аналог политический стратег (есть, например, книга, Gandhi as a Political Strategist), то сейчас это выражение употребляется в США в сочетании с такими именами, как Karl Rove, Donna Brazile, James Carville, Dick Morris (это подтверждает и поиск в гугле), – это те, кого у нас принято называть политтехнологами. (См. также в статье технология, техногенный в русской части словаря.)

    English-Russian nonsystematic dictionary > policy

  • 8 politician

    •• policy, politics, politician

    •• Policy 1. plan of action, statement of aims and ideals, especially one made by a government, political party, business company, etc. 2. wise, sensible conduct; art of government.
    •• Politics the science or art of government; political views, affairs, questions, etc.
    •• Politician person taking part in politics or much interested in politics; (in a sense) person who follows politics as a career, regardless of principle (A.S. Hornby).
    •• Государственный секретарь Джордж Шульц любил поговорить о разнице между policy и politics. Я, говорил он, старался не втягиваться в politics, а все внимание сосредоточивал на policy, на policy-making. В этом высказывании сконцентрировано различие между этими двумя понятиями, которое часто упускают из виду. Politics – это политическая борьба (не всегда в отрицательном значении; когда из контекста ясно, что значение именно отрицательное, можно переводить политиканство), а policy – это политическая линия, политическая стратегия. Policy statement – не просто политическое, а программное, принципиальное заявление: When Clinton told a discussion group in Shanghai, “Everyone understands that there is a new China emerging in the world that is more prosperous, more open and more dynamic,”... he was not simply making an observation but something tantamount to policy statement. Стоит обратить внимание на словосочетание public policy, которое ближе всего к русскому политика в значении процесс решения главных вопросов жизни государства и общества. Пример из Washington Post: Mr. Kudlow appears to make his mark on public policy. Из Wall Street Journal: Mr. Doron is director of a public policy think tank located near Jerusalem. – Г-н Дорон является руководителем центра исследования политических проблем (или просто политики).
    •• Нередко по смыслу politics относится к внутриполитической сфере. Характерный пример: From Shylock to Scrooge and now to George Soros, it has always been only too easy to cast the man with the moneybags as the villain. And it’s happening again as the countries in Southeast Asia search for a scapegoat for the financial crises that have beset them in recent weeks. [...] All these wild charges, of course, may make good politics (International Herald Tribune). – ...Конечно, на всех этих скандальных обвинениях можно набрать политические очки (или очки во внутриполитической борьбе).
    •• Аналогичный пример: Many if not most citizens of Taiwan no longer believe in reunion with the mainland and are eager for international recognition in their own right. Taiwan’s politics cater to this popular view (Don Oberdorfer). Здесь возможен такой перевод – разумеется, чисто контекстуальный: Тайваньские политики отражают это широко распространенное мнение. Politics может иметь и сильный отрицательный оттенок. Словарь Safire’s Political Dictionary дает следующее определение выражения playing politics: placing partisan gain above the public interest, т.е. ставить узкопартийные интересы выше интересов общества.
    •• Не всегда легко поддается переводу словосочетание the politics of. Вот перевод подзаголовка статьи о политической ситуации на Украине: Политика президентских выборов. Совершенно непонятно, о чем тут речь. Из текста же ясно, что в этом разделе говорится о влиянии будущих президентских выборов на политическую ситуацию, политическую борьбу. Лучше было перевести Президентские выборы и политическая борьба.
    •• Выражение из другого смыслового ряда – office politics. Смысл его – то, что у нас принято называть служебными интригами, подсиживанием. Иногда оно близко по значению к turf (или territorial) battles – ведомственные, бюрократические игры, внутри- или межведомственная борьба (войны).
    •• Не всем известно, что значит слово politic (у него есть еще антоним impolitic). Словари дают значение (политически) выгодный, благоразумный, дальновидный, дипломатичный. В следующем примере из журнала Fortune, скорее всего – осторожный: When Reilly called Tom Florio and Tina Brown for comment, on the record both were politic but behind the scenes they were livid. (Здесь слово livid – синоним mad – вне себя от ярости.)
    •• Теперь обратим внимание на значение слова policy, не всегда отражаемое словарями и близкое к русскому твердое правило. Вот два примера из одного номера журнала «Ньюсуик»:
    •• 1. A new policy [of a television network] prohibits paying “criminals, convicts or miscreants.”
    •• 2. HIID [Harvard Institute for International Development] policy does not allow its employees to invest in the countries they counsel.
    •• Слово politician по-английски – нечто среднее между русскими политик и политикан. Контекст, как правило, позволяет без особого труда решить, какое из этих русских слов подходит лучше. Труднее правильно перевести русское политик. Почти всегда подходит policy-maker, иногда – political leader. Нейтральный, хотя и слишком сухой вариант – political figure. А как же перевести слово политикан? Иногда вполне подойдет politician или petty politician или just a politician. Ну, если нужен «колорит», можно попробовать politico или pol: Washington politicos can’t wait to start slugging (International Herald Tribune). – Вашингтонские политиканы рвутся в драку.
    •• Политические термины, словосочетания, поговорки широко распространены в речи американцев, особенно образованных и следящих за средствами информации, значительное место в которых занимает политика в ее разных ипостасях. Вот несколько словосочетаний со словом political:
    •• political animal«политическое животное», т.е. человек (как правило, политик) с сильно развитыми политическими инстинктами. Кстати, еще Аристотель в своем трактате «Политика» писал: «Человек по природе своей – животное политическое»;
    •• political capital см. также political mileageполитический капитал, выигрыш, «навар». Употребляется обычно с негативным оттенком;
    •• political correctness – понятие политической корректности в последние годы получило распространение и у нас. Поэтому объяснять его нет особой необходимости. Важнее знать, чего не следует говорить (или как не следует выражаться), чтобы не выйти за рамки политически приемлемого в данном обществе. Так, в Великобритании, во всяком случае до недавнего времени, было не принято негативно высказываться о королеве. В Соединенных Штатах давно уже нельзя говорить Negro (раньше говорили и писали black, а теперь не очень корректно и это, сами чернокожие американцы (и многие белые) предпочитают African-American). В качестве общего принципа политической корректности можно сказать так: нужно избегать любых слов и высказываний, которые могут задеть то или иное более или менее организованное меньшинство (за исключением явно экстремистских) – политическое, расовое, сексуальное. Бывшие граждане СССР обычно относятся к политкорректности резко отрицательно, что может быть отчасти реакцией на многолетнюю жизнь в условиях жесткой политической регламентированности. Лучше, однако, не читать по этому поводу нотаций американцам. У истоков Соединенных Штатов стояло религиозное меньшинство (пуритане с корабля «Мэйфлауэр»), и сейчас Америка нередко предстает как огромное «сообщество меньшинств»;
    •• political football объект политических игр. Уильям Сэфайр приводит пример из выступления бывшего президента США Гарри Трумена, обвинившего Дуайта Эйзенхауэра в том, что тот “used our foreign policy as a political football.” Еще одно интересное и малоизвестное значение слова football - «ядерный чемоданчик» – но не в значении миниатюрное ядерное устройство. Определение находим у Сэфайра – the small, thirty-pound metal suitcase containing codes that can launch a nuclear attack. It is carried by a military aide to the President and follows the chief executive wherever he goes;
    •• political mileage – то же самое, что political capital, но с меньшим негативным оттенком.
    •• Несколько выражений политического происхождения вошли в повседневный обиход и стали «повсеместно понятными» (generally understood). В некоторых случаях за ними закрепились и русские эквиваленты, не всегда, впрочем, самые удачные. Так, перевод рузвельтовского New Deal как Новый курс, на мой взгляд не идеален. Франклин Рузвельт в данном случае взял за основу Square Deal своего предшественника и родственника Теодора Рузвельта, который имел в виду не просто некий политический или экономический курс, а нечто большее, о чем свидетельствует следующая цитата: We demand that big business give people a square deal. Речь, как видим, идет скорее о «справедливой сделке», справедливом отношении большого бизнеса («олигархов», как у нас сказали бы сейчас) к большинству населения. Соответственно и Ф.Рузвельт, как явствует из его выступлений, имел в виду своего рода «новый общественный договор» между бизнесом и обществом. Разумеется, перевод Новый курс устоялся и изменению не подлежит, но не вредно знать, что стоит за рузвельтовским лозунгом (почти «новый строй»!). От Ф.Рузвельта остались и fireside chats (радио)беседы у камина – выступления президента по радио с доступным для каждого разъяснением важных вопросов политики и экономики. (Рузвельт использовал этот инструмент очень эффективно, а вот попытки использовать его в другое время и в другой стране выглядели, пожалуй, комично.) Также от Рузвельта остались и Four Freedomsfreedom of speech and expression, freedom to worship God, freedom from want (свобода от нужды) и freedom from fear ( свобода от страха, причем из знаменитой речи Рузвельта 6 января 1941 года ясно, что под этим он имел в виду далеко идущий процесс разоружения).
    •• Знаменитое высказывание Теодора Рузвельта Speak softly and always carry a big stick (говори тихо, но всегда имей с собой большую дубинку) известно у нас в основном в «антиимпериалистической» интерпретации («политика большой дубинки»).
    •• Несколько широко известных словесных шедевров принадлежит Гарри Трумену, например, знаменитое The buck stops here. Табличка с этим лозунгом стояла у него на письменном столе, и означала примерно следующее: «бюрократические игры кончаются здесь». Выражение to pass the buck, от которого происходит труменовский лозунг, означает спихивать на кого-либо решение (ответственность) в важном вопросе (у нас существует не очень распространенное, но яркое словечко спихотехника). Трумен ввел в обиход поговорку If you can’t stand the heat, get out of the kitchen, означающую, что политика – дело жестокое, но приходится терпеть. Если жарко – уходи, никто не держит.
    •• Джон Кеннеди – автор «экономического афоризма» A rising tide lifts all the boats. – Прилив поднимает все лодки, т.е. общий подъем экономики выгоден всем – и богатым, и бедным. Он же в своей инаугурационной речи сказал запомнившиеся американцам слова: Ask not what your country can do for you, ask what you can do for your country. – Не спрашивай, что может сделать для тебя твоя страна, – лучше спроси, что ты можешь для нее сделать.
    •• Любой образованный англичанин или американец, услышав Power corrupts, продолжит: absolute power corrupts absolutely (хотя не все знают, что это высказывание принадлежит английскому историку лорду Эктону – Lord Acton, 1834–1902; кстати, у него Power tends to corrupt – по-моему, точнее). Власть развращает, а безграничная власть развращает безгранично.
    •• Еще несколько политических поговорок, вошедших в обиходную речь:
    •• You scratch my back, I’ll scratch yours. – Услуга за услугу;
    •• You can’t fight City Hall ≈ Плетью обуха не перешибешь;
    •• How you stand depends on where you sit ≈ Где сидишь (т.е. какую должность занимаешь), на том и стоишь (такова и твоя позиция).
    •• Интересное «политическое словосочетание» – вопрос Will it play in Peoria? означает Поймут ли нас в глубинке? Оно появилось во времена президента Никсона, и небольшой (хотя и не самый маленький) город Пеория в штате Иллинойс предстает здесь как символ провинциальности. Джимми Картер не оставил после себя ярких фразеологизмов, зато один из членов его кабинета, земляк президента из штата Джорджия Берт Лэнс прославился фразой: If it ain’t broke, don’t fix it. – Что не сломалось, не чини.
    •• Список фразеологизмов и словосочетаний, политических по происхождению или основной сфере употребления, можно продолжать долго. Ограничусь несколькими, отобранными без особой системы:
    •• bully pulpit – Теодор Рузвельт считал, что президентский пост дает возможность его обладателю быть «отцом нации», нравственным лидером и вдохновителем ее побед. Bully pulpit – «трибуна президента», с которой он проповедует нации;
    •• gut issue«нутряной вопрос». Так говорят о проблеме, нередко надуманной, которая вызывает у избирателей чисто эмоциональную реакцию, «задевает душу», заставляет «голосовать сердцем» (у американцев, как видим, кишечником);
    •• heartbeat away from the presidencyможет быть, не сегодня-завтра президент. Эта фраза является своего рода напоминанием о том, что к выбору (и голосованию за) вице-президента надо подходить со всей ответственностью – случись что с президентом, и, казалось бы, малозначительный (что характерно для большинства администраций) человек становится национальным лидером;
    •• high road... low road – эта фраза стала популярной во время президентской кампании 1948 года, когда республиканский кандидат (и фаворит предвыборной гонки) Томас Дьюи заявил, что не будет отвечать на «удары ниже пояса», к которым прибегал Трумен (как ни странно, тогдашний президент считался underdog, т.е. аутсайдером). To take the high road можно перевести проявить разборчивость в средствах, не прибегать к неэтичным приемам. To take the low road – пойти на все ради победы, бить ниже пояса;
    •• hit listсписок подлежащих (политической) ликвидации. Хотя на Западе уже давно политических противников не ликвидируют физически, словосочетания с hit распространены очень широко ( hit job или hatchet job – заказной «компромат», (political) hitman – поставщик компромата и т.д.);
    •• press the flesh жать руку. «Контакт с народом» – как ни странно, любимое занятие политических деятелей, в чем мне приходилось не раз убеждаться (они действительно получают удовольствие от контакта с незнакомыми людьми);
    •• smoke-filled roomsпрокуренные комнаты. Символизирует келейный характер решений, принимаемых политическими боссами за закрытыми дверями;
    •• smoking gunнеопровержимая улика. Это выражение было в ходу во время уотергейтской эпопеи – у ее участников были разные мнения о том, есть ли такие улики против президента Никсона. На сегодняшний день об этом, пожалуй, можно сказать: This is a moot question. См. статью moot.
    •• * Английский язык – особенно его американский вариант – возможно, уникален в проведении резкой черты между politics и policy. Различия между ними довольно подробно, хотя и неполно, описаны в «Моем несистематическом словаре», но в данном случае речь не о них, а о том, что и сами американцы, видимо, чувствуют, что в реальной жизни это единый организм. Наверное, не случайно политический раздел в газете Wall Street Journal называется Policy and Politics. A вот цитата из New York Times:
    •• Good, artful writing, writing with voice and style, turns up in lots of places: in memoirs, in books about history and science, and sometimes even in books about politics and policy.
    •• Самый естественный – и абсолютно правильный – перевод здесь: ... и иногда даже в книгах о политике. (Потому что в русском понимании выработка политического курса, сам этот курс и политическая борьба отделяются друг от друга только по необходимости, а не «по умолчанию».)
    •• К этой же теме: интересная трансформация происходит со словосочетанием political strategist. Если раньше его значение было близко к тому, как мы понимаем его русский аналог политический стратег (есть, например, книга, Gandhi as a Political Strategist), то сейчас это выражение употребляется в США в сочетании с такими именами, как Karl Rove, Donna Brazile, James Carville, Dick Morris (это подтверждает и поиск в гугле), – это те, кого у нас принято называть политтехнологами. (См. также в статье технология, техногенный в русской части словаря.)

    English-Russian nonsystematic dictionary > politician

  • 9 party

    plural - parties; noun
    1) (a meeting of guests for entertainment, celebration etc: a birthday party; She's giving/having a party tonight; (also adjective) a party dress.) fiesta, reunión
    2) (a group of people with a particular purpose: a party of tourists.) grupo
    3) (a group of people with the same ideas and purposes, especially political: a political party.) partido
    1. fiesta
    2. grupo
    3. partido
    tr['pɑːtɪ]
    1 (celebration) fiesta
    2 SMALLPOLITICS/SMALL partido
    3 (group) grupo
    4 SMALLLAW/SMALL parte nombre femenino, interesado,-a
    1 (dress) de fiesta; (mood, atmosphere) festivo,-a
    2 SMALLPOLITICS/SMALL (member, leader) del partido
    1 (go to parties) ir a fiestas; (have fun) divertirse
    \
    SMALLIDIOMATIC EXPRESSION/SMALL
    to be party to a crime ser cómplice de un delito
    to be party to something hacerse cómplice de algo
    guilty party el/la culpable
    innocent party el/la inocente
    party line (on telephone) línea compartida 2 (in politics) línea del partido
    party politics política de partido
    party political broadcast emisión nombre femenino de propaganda política, espacio de propaganda electoral
    party spirit (party mood) espíritu nombre masculino festivo 2 (loyalty) partidismo
    party piece numerito
    party wall pared nombre femenino medianera
    party ['pɑrt̬i] n, pl - ties
    1) : partido m (político)
    2) participant: parte f, participante mf
    3) group: grupo m (de personas)
    4) gathering: fiesta f
    to throw a party: dar una fiesta
    adj.
    de gala adj.
    de partido adj.
    n.
    banda s.f.
    bandería s.f.
    bando s.m.
    fiesta s.f.
    garufa s.f.
    guateque s.m.
    pandilla s.f.
    parranda s.f.
    partido (Gobierno) s.m.
    reunión s.f.
    sarao s.m.
    tertulia s.f.

    I 'pɑːrti, 'pɑːti
    1) ( event) fiesta f

    I was invited to a tea/dinner party — me invitaron a un té/a una cena

    to have o (colloq) throw a party — dar* or hacer* una fiesta; (before n) < mood> festivo; < game> de salón; < dress> de fiesta

    2) ( Pol) partido m; (before n) <member, leader> del partido

    party politicspolítica f de partido; (pej) partidismo m

    3) ( group) grupo m; ( in hunting) partida f

    the guilty/innocent party — el culpable/inocente

    to be (a) party to a crime — ser* cómplice de un crimen


    II
    intransitive verb (esp AmE colloq) ( go to parties) ir* a fiestas; ( have fun) divertirse*
    ['pɑːtɪ]
    1. N
    1) (=celebration) fiesta f

    to give or have or throw a party — dar or frm ofrecer una fiesta

    house 3.
    2) (Pol) partido m

    to join a party — afiliarse a un partido, hacerse miembro de un partido

    3) (=group) grupo m

    we were only a small party — éramos pocos, éramos un grupo pequeño

    4) (in dispute, contract) parte f

    the parties concerned — los interesados, las partes interesadas

    the guilty/ injured/ innocent party — la parte culpable/perjudicada/inocente

    to be (a) party to sth, I will not be a party to any violence — no me voy a prestar a la violencia

    third 4., warring
    2.
    VI * (=go to parties) ir a fiestas; (=have a good time) irse de juerga *, irse de marcha (Sp) *

    let's party! — ¡vámonos de juerga! *, ¡vámonos de marcha! (Sp) *

    where shall we party tonight? — ¿a qué fiesta vamos esta noche?

    3.
    CPD

    party animal Nfiestero(-a) m / f, juerguista mf

    party dress Nvestido m de fiesta

    party food N(=nibbles) canapés mpl

    party game N (for children) juego m de fiestas; (for adults) juego m de sociedad

    party hat Nsombrero m de fiesta, gorro m de fiesta

    party line N — (Telec) línea f compartida

    the party line — (Pol) la línea del partido

    party member Nmiembro m del partido

    party mood N(=mood for enjoying o.s.) ganas fpl de fiesta

    to be in the party mood — tener ganas de fiesta

    party music Nmúsica f de fiesta

    party official N — (Pol) funcionario(-a) m / f de partido

    party piece Nnumerito m (de fiesta) *

    party politics NPL (gen) política fsing de partido; pej partidismo msing pej, politiqueo msing pej

    party pooper * Naguafiestas mf inv

    party spirit Nespíritu m festivo

    party time N

    it's party time! — ¡es hora de fiesta!

    party wall Npared f medianera

    * * *

    I ['pɑːrti, 'pɑːti]
    1) ( event) fiesta f

    I was invited to a tea/dinner party — me invitaron a un té/a una cena

    to have o (colloq) throw a party — dar* or hacer* una fiesta; (before n) < mood> festivo; < game> de salón; < dress> de fiesta

    2) ( Pol) partido m; (before n) <member, leader> del partido

    party politicspolítica f de partido; (pej) partidismo m

    3) ( group) grupo m; ( in hunting) partida f

    the guilty/innocent party — el culpable/inocente

    to be (a) party to a crime — ser* cómplice de un crimen


    II
    intransitive verb (esp AmE colloq) ( go to parties) ir* a fiestas; ( have fun) divertirse*

    English-spanish dictionary > party

  • 10 liberal

    ['libərəl]
    1) (generous: She gave me a liberal helping of apple pie; She was very liberal with her money.) generøs; rundhåndet
    2) (tolerant; not criticizing or disapproving: The headmaster is very liberal in his attitude to young people.) tolerant; frisindet
    3) (( also noun) (especially with capital) in politics, (a person belonging to a party) favouring liberty for the individual.) liberal
    - liberally
    * * *
    ['libərəl]
    1) (generous: She gave me a liberal helping of apple pie; She was very liberal with her money.) generøs; rundhåndet
    2) (tolerant; not criticizing or disapproving: The headmaster is very liberal in his attitude to young people.) tolerant; frisindet
    3) (( also noun) (especially with capital) in politics, (a person belonging to a party) favouring liberty for the individual.) liberal
    - liberally

    English-Danish dictionary > liberal

  • 11 student

    ['stju:dənt]
    1) (an undergraduate or graduate studying for a degree at a university etc: university students; a medical student; ( also adjective) She is a student nurse/teacher.) student; -student; studerende
    2) ((especially American) a boy or girl at school.) elev
    3) (a person studying a particular thing: a student of politics.) -studerende
    * * *
    ['stju:dənt]
    1) (an undergraduate or graduate studying for a degree at a university etc: university students; a medical student; ( also adjective) She is a student nurse/teacher.) student; -student; studerende
    2) ((especially American) a boy or girl at school.) elev
    3) (a person studying a particular thing: a student of politics.) -studerende

    English-Danish dictionary > student

  • 12 liberal

    ['libərəl]
    1) (generous: She gave me a liberal helping of apple pie; She was very liberal with her money.) velikodušen
    2) (tolerant; not criticizing or disapproving: The headmaster is very liberal in his attitude to young people.) razumevajoč
    3) (( also noun) (especially with capital) in politics, (a person belonging to a party) favouring liberty for the individual.) liberalen
    - liberally
    * * *
    I [líbərəl]
    adjective ( liberally adverb)
    darežtjiv, velikodušen (of — z); nepristranski, brez predsodkov, svobodomiseln; politics liberalen; obilen (obrok), izdaten, bogat; nebrzdan, prenagljen
    liberal arts — matematična, naravoslovna, sociološka stroka; history svobodna umetnost
    II [líbərəl]
    noun
    politics liberalec, naprednjak

    English-Slovenian dictionary > liberal

  • 13 leave

    I li:v past tense, past participle - left; verb
    1) (to go away or depart from, often without intending to return: He left the room for a moment; They left at about six o'clock; I have left that job.) irse, marcharse
    2) (to go without taking: She left her gloves in the car; He left his children behind when he went to France.) dejar, abandonar
    3) (to allow to remain in a particular state or condition: She left the job half-finished.) dejar
    4) (to let (a person or a thing) do something without being helped or attended to: I'll leave the meat to cook for a while.) dejar
    5) (to allow to remain for someone to do, make etc: Leave that job to the experts!) dejar
    6) (to make a gift of in one's will: She left all her property to her son.) dejar
    - leave out
    - left over

    II li:v noun
    1) (permission to do something, eg to be absent: Have I your leave to go?) permiso
    2) ((especially of soldiers, sailors etc) a holiday: He is home on leave at the moment.) permiso
    - take one's leave of
    - take one's leave
    leave1 n permiso
    leave2 vb
    1. irse / marchar
    what time are you leaving? ¿a qué hora marchas?
    2. salir / partir
    3. dejar
    4. dejar / legar
    5. dejarse / olvidar
    to leave alone dejar en paz / no molestar / no tocar
    leave me alone! ¡déjame en paz!
    tr[liːv]
    1 (time off) permiso
    2 (permission) permiso
    \
    SMALLIDIOMATIC EXPRESSION/SMALL
    to be on leave SMALLMILITARY/SMALL estar de permiso
    to go on sick leave tener la baja por enfermedad
    to take French leave despedirse a la francesa
    to take one's leave of somebody despedirse de alguien
    leave of absence excedencia
    ————————
    tr[liːv]
    transitive verb (pt & pp left, ger leaving)
    1 (go away from) dejar, abandonar; (go out of) salir de
    2 (stop being with) irse de, marcharse de
    3 (forget) dejarse, olvidar, olvidarse
    please leave the door open por favor, deja la puerta abierta
    shall I leave him a message? ¿quiere que le dé algún recado?
    let's leave it at that! ¡dejémoslo así!
    7 (bequeath) dejar, legar
    8 SMALLMATHEMATICS/SMALL dar
    1 marcharse, irse, partir
    \
    SMALLIDIOMATIC EXPRESSION/SMALL
    leave it out! SMALLBRITISH ENGLISH/SMALL slang ¡venga ya!, ¡déjalo ya!
    to leave behind dejar atrás
    to leave go of something / hold of something soltar algo
    to leave somebody alone / leave somebody be dejar a alguien en paz
    to leave somebody cold dejar frío,-a a alguien, dejar indiferente a alguien
    to leave somebody to themself / leave somebody to their own devices dejar que alguien se las apañe solo,-a
    to leave something about dejar algo tirado
    to leave standing (in race) dejar clavado,-a
    to leave well enough alone dejar las cosas tal como están
    leave ['li:v] v, left ['lɛft] ; leaving vt
    1) bequeath: dejar, legar
    2) depart: dejar, salir(se) de
    3) abandon: abandonar, dejar
    4) forget: dejar, olvidarse de
    I left the books at the library: dejé los libros en la biblioteca
    5)
    to be left : quedar
    it's all I have left: es todo lo que me queda
    6)
    to be left over : sobrar
    7)
    to leave out : omitir, excluir
    leave vi
    : irse, salir, partir, marcharse
    she left yesterday morning: se fue ayer por la mañana
    1) permission: permiso m
    by your leave: con su permiso
    2) or leave of absence : permiso m, licencia f
    maternity leave: licencia por maternidad
    3)
    to take one's leave : despedirse
    n.
    despedida s.f.
    despedido s.m.
    excedencia s.f.
    excedente s.m.
    licencia s.f.
    permiso s.m.
    vacaciones s.f.pl.
    venia s.f.
    v.
    (§ p.,p.p.: left) = abandonar v.
    ceder v.
    dejar v.
    desalojar v.
    ir v.
    (§pres: voy, vas...), subj: vay-, imp: ib-, pret: fu-•)
    irse v.
    legar v.
    marchar v.
    marcharse v.
    salir v.
    (§pres: salgo, sales...) fut/c: saldr-•)
    salir de v.
    liːv
    I
    1) u c ( authorized absence) permiso m, licencia f (esp AmL); ( Mil) licencia f, permiso m

    one year's leave of absenceun año de permiso or (esp AmL) de licencia or (Esp) de excedencia

    to be/go on leave — estar*/salir* de permiso or (esp AmL) de licencia

    2) u ( permission) (frml) permiso m

    without so much as a by your leave — (colloq) sin ni siquiera pedir permiso

    3) u ( departure) (frml)

    to take leave of somebody — despedirse* de alguien

    have you taken leave of your senses? — ¿te has vuelto loco?


    II
    1.
    (past & past p left) transitive verb
    1)

    she leaves home/the office at 6 — sale de casa/de la oficina a las 6

    may I leave the table? — ¿puedo levantarme de la mesa?

    what are you going to do when you leave school? — ¿qué vas a hacer cuando termines el colegio?

    he left school at 16dejó or abandonó los estudios a los 16 años

    b) ( withdraw from) \<\<profession/organization/politics\>\> dejar
    2) ( abandon) dejar
    3)
    b) ( not take - deliberately) dejar; (- inadvertently) olvidarse de, dejarse
    c) ( not eat) \<\<food\>\> dejar
    4) (allow, cause to remain) dejar
    5) ( have as aftereffect) \<\<stain/scar\>\> dejar
    6)
    a) (not attend to, postpone) dejar

    leave me alone/in peace! — déjame tranquilo/en paz!

    I was about to start cooking - I'll leave you to it, then — iba a ponerme a cocinar - bueno, pues te dejo

    to leave something/somebody to + INF — dejar algo/a alguien + inf or que (+ subj)

    7)
    a) ( entrust)

    to leave something TO somebody/something: leave it to me! déjalo por mi cuenta!; we must leave nothing to chance — no debemos dejar nada (librado) al azar

    b) (allow, cause somebody to do) dejar

    to leave somebody to + INF — dejar que alguien (+ subj)

    8)
    a) ( Math)

    6 from 10 leaves 4 — si a 10 le quitamos 6, quedan 4

    b) (after deduction, elimination)
    c) ( make available) dejar
    9)
    a) ( bequeath)

    to leave something TO somebody/something — \<\<money/property\>\> dejar(le) algo a alguien/algo

    b) ( after bereavement) dejar

    2.
    vi irse*, marcharse (esp Esp)
    Phrasal Verbs:
    [liːv] (vb: pt, pp left)
    1. N
    1) frm (=permission) permiso m

    to ask leave to do sth — pedir permiso para hacer algo

    by your leave — con permiso de usted

    without so much as a "by your leave" — sin pedir permiso a nadie

    I take leave to doubt it — me permito dudarlo

    2) (=permission to be absent) permiso m ; (Mil) (brief) permiso m ; (lengthy, compassionate) licencia f

    leave of absencepermiso m para ausentarse

    to be on leave — estar de permiso or (S. Cone) licenciado

    3) (=departure)

    to take leave of one's sensesperder el juicio

    have you taken leave of your senses? — ¿te has vuelto loco?

    2. VT
    1) (=go away from) dejar, marcharse de; [+ room] salir de, abandonar; [+ hospital] salir de; [+ person] abandonar, dejar

    you may leave usfrm puede retirarse frm

    she leaves home at 8am — sale de casa a las ocho

    to leave one's post (improperly) abandonar su puesto

    to leave the rails — descarrilar, salirse de las vías

    the car left the roadel coche se salió de la carretera

    to leave school(=finish studies) terminar el colegio

    to leave the tablelevantarse de la mesa

    he has left his wifeha dejado or abandonado a su mujer

    2) (=forget) dejar, olvidar
    3) (=bequeath) dejar, legar
    4) (=allow to remain) dejar

    it's best to leave him alonees mejor dejarlo solo

    to leave sb alone or in peace — dejar a algn en paz

    let's leave it at that — dejémoslo así, ¡ya está bien (así)!

    this left me free for the afternoon — eso me dejó la tarde libre

    to leave one's greensno comer las verduras

    to leave a good impression on sb — producir a algn una buena impresión

    it leaves much to be desired — deja mucho que desear

    to leave one's supperdejar la cena sin comer

    take it or leave it — lo tomas o lo dejas

    leave it to me! — ¡yo me encargo!, ¡tú, déjamelo a mí!

    he leaves a wife and a child — le sobreviven su viuda y un hijo, deja mujer y un hijo

    to leave sth with sb — dejar algo en manos de algn, entregar algo a algn

    5)

    to be left — (=remain) quedar

    how many are (there) left? — ¿cuántos quedan?

    we were left with four — quedamos con cuatro, nos quedaron cuatro

    all the money I have left — todo el dinero que me queda

    6) (Math)

    three from ten leaves seven — diez menos tres son siete, de tres a diez van siete

    3.
    VI (go out) salir; (go away) [person] irse, marcharse, partir; [train, bus] salir
    * * *
    [liːv]
    I
    1) u c ( authorized absence) permiso m, licencia f (esp AmL); ( Mil) licencia f, permiso m

    one year's leave of absenceun año de permiso or (esp AmL) de licencia or (Esp) de excedencia

    to be/go on leave — estar*/salir* de permiso or (esp AmL) de licencia

    2) u ( permission) (frml) permiso m

    without so much as a by your leave — (colloq) sin ni siquiera pedir permiso

    3) u ( departure) (frml)

    to take leave of somebody — despedirse* de alguien

    have you taken leave of your senses? — ¿te has vuelto loco?


    II
    1.
    (past & past p left) transitive verb
    1)

    she leaves home/the office at 6 — sale de casa/de la oficina a las 6

    may I leave the table? — ¿puedo levantarme de la mesa?

    what are you going to do when you leave school? — ¿qué vas a hacer cuando termines el colegio?

    he left school at 16dejó or abandonó los estudios a los 16 años

    b) ( withdraw from) \<\<profession/organization/politics\>\> dejar
    2) ( abandon) dejar
    3)
    b) ( not take - deliberately) dejar; (- inadvertently) olvidarse de, dejarse
    c) ( not eat) \<\<food\>\> dejar
    4) (allow, cause to remain) dejar
    5) ( have as aftereffect) \<\<stain/scar\>\> dejar
    6)
    a) (not attend to, postpone) dejar

    leave me alone/in peace! — déjame tranquilo/en paz!

    I was about to start cooking - I'll leave you to it, then — iba a ponerme a cocinar - bueno, pues te dejo

    to leave something/somebody to + INF — dejar algo/a alguien + inf or que (+ subj)

    7)
    a) ( entrust)

    to leave something TO somebody/something: leave it to me! déjalo por mi cuenta!; we must leave nothing to chance — no debemos dejar nada (librado) al azar

    b) (allow, cause somebody to do) dejar

    to leave somebody to + INF — dejar que alguien (+ subj)

    8)
    a) ( Math)

    6 from 10 leaves 4 — si a 10 le quitamos 6, quedan 4

    b) (after deduction, elimination)
    c) ( make available) dejar
    9)
    a) ( bequeath)

    to leave something TO somebody/something — \<\<money/property\>\> dejar(le) algo a alguien/algo

    b) ( after bereavement) dejar

    2.
    vi irse*, marcharse (esp Esp)
    Phrasal Verbs:

    English-spanish dictionary > leave

  • 14 Rank

    I 1. [ræŋk]
    1) (in military, police) grado m.; (in company, politics) grado m., livello m.; (social status) ceto m. (sociale), rango m.

    to pull rankfar pesare il proprio grado o la propria autorità

    2) (line) (of people) fila f., riga f.; (of objects) fila f.

    to break ranks — [ soldiers] rompere le file; fig. [ politician] uscire dai ranghi

    to close ranksserrare le file o i ranghi (anche fig.)

    3) BE (for taxis) posteggio m.
    2.
    nome plurale ranks mil. truppa f.sing.; pol. base f.sing.

    to rise through the ranksfig. venire dalla gavetta

    II 1. [ræŋk]
    1) (classify) reputare, considerare [player, novel, restaurant] ( among tra; above superiore a; below inferiore a)
    2) AE (be senior to) [officer, colleague] avere un grado più elevato di [ person]
    2.
    1) (rate) collocarsi, classificarsi

    to rank among the champions essere considerato un campione; to rank alongside, below sb. — essere uguale a, venire dopo qcn. (per grado, importanza)

    2) AE mil. (be most senior) [ admiral] avere il grado più alto
    III [ræŋk]
    1) (absolute) [ beginner] vero e proprio; [ injustice] bell'e buono; [ stupidity] totale
    2) (foul) [ odour] sgradevole, cattivo
    3) (exuberant) [ivy, weeds] rigoglioso
    * * *
    I 1. [ræŋk] noun
    1) (a line or row (especially of soldiers or taxis): The officer ordered the front rank to fire.)
    2) ((in the army, navy etc) a person's position of importance: He was promoted to the rank of sergeant/colonel.)
    3) (a social class: the lower social ranks.)
    2. verb
    (to have, or give, a place in a group, according to importance: I would rank him among our greatest writers; Apes rank above dogs in intelligence.)
    II [ræŋk] adjective
    1) (complete; absolute: rank stupidity; The race was won by a rank outsider.)
    2) (unpleasantly stale and strong: a rank smell of tobacco.)
    * * *
    (Surnames) Rank /ræŋk/
    * * *
    I 1. [ræŋk]
    1) (in military, police) grado m.; (in company, politics) grado m., livello m.; (social status) ceto m. (sociale), rango m.

    to pull rankfar pesare il proprio grado o la propria autorità

    2) (line) (of people) fila f., riga f.; (of objects) fila f.

    to break ranks — [ soldiers] rompere le file; fig. [ politician] uscire dai ranghi

    to close ranksserrare le file o i ranghi (anche fig.)

    3) BE (for taxis) posteggio m.
    2.
    nome plurale ranks mil. truppa f.sing.; pol. base f.sing.

    to rise through the ranksfig. venire dalla gavetta

    II 1. [ræŋk]
    1) (classify) reputare, considerare [player, novel, restaurant] ( among tra; above superiore a; below inferiore a)
    2) AE (be senior to) [officer, colleague] avere un grado più elevato di [ person]
    2.
    1) (rate) collocarsi, classificarsi

    to rank among the champions essere considerato un campione; to rank alongside, below sb. — essere uguale a, venire dopo qcn. (per grado, importanza)

    2) AE mil. (be most senior) [ admiral] avere il grado più alto
    III [ræŋk]
    1) (absolute) [ beginner] vero e proprio; [ injustice] bell'e buono; [ stupidity] totale
    2) (foul) [ odour] sgradevole, cattivo
    3) (exuberant) [ivy, weeds] rigoglioso

    English-Italian dictionary > Rank

  • 15 student

    noun
    Student, der/Studentin, die; (in school or training establishment) Schüler, der/Schülerin, die

    student of medicine — Student/Studentin der Medizin; Medizinstudent, der/-studentin, die; attrib.

    student days — Studenten-/Schulzeit, die

    student driver(Amer.) Fahrschüler, der/-schülerin, die

    student nurse — Lernschwester, die/Pflegeschüler, der

    be a student doctor/teacher — ein medizinisches Praktikum/Schulpraktikum machen

    * * *
    ['stju:dənt]
    1) (an undergraduate or graduate studying for a degree at a university etc: university students; a medical student; ( also adjective) She is a student nurse/teacher.) der/die Studierende
    2) ((especially American) a boy or girl at school.) der/die Schuler(in)
    3) (a person studying a particular thing: a student of politics.) der/die Student(in)
    * * *
    stu·dent
    [ˈstju:dənt, AM esp ˈstu:]
    I. n
    1. (at university) Student(in) m(f), Studierende(r) f(m); (pupil) Schüler(in) m(f)
    she is a \student at Oxford University sie studiert an der Oxford University
    the \student body die Studentenschaft, die Studierenden pl
    postgraduate \student Habilitand(in) m(f), Doktorand(in) m(f) SCHWEIZ
    undergraduate \student Student(in) m(f)
    2. (unofficial learner)
    to be a \student of sth sich akk mit etw dat befassen
    to be a \student of human nature die menschliche Natur studieren [o beobachten
    \student politics Hochschulpolitik f
    \student rate [or discount] Studentenermäßigung f
    \student season ticket Semesterticket nt
    * * *
    ['stjuːdənt]
    1. n (UNIV)
    Student(in) m(f), Studierende(r) mf; (esp US, at school, night school) Schüler(in) m(f)

    he is a student of French life/human nature — er studiert die französische Lebensart/die menschliche Natur

    he is a student of French or a French student (Univ) — er studiert Französisch; (Sch) er lernt Französisch

    medical/law students — Medizin-/Jurastudenten pl

    2. adj attr
    Studenten-; activities, protest movement studentisch
    * * *
    student [ˈstjuːdnt; US besonders ˈstuː-] s
    1. a) UNIV Student(in):
    students’ hostel bes Br Studenten(wohn)heim n
    b) SCHULE besonders US und allg Schüler(in)
    c) Lehrgangs-, Kursteilnehmer(in):
    student of law academic.ru/42038/law_student">law student; duel A
    2. Gelehrte(r) m/f(m), (Er)Forscher(in)
    3. Beobachter(in)
    stud. abk student Stud.
    * * *
    noun
    Student, der/Studentin, die; (in school or training establishment) Schüler, der/Schülerin, die

    student of medicine — Student/Studentin der Medizin; Medizinstudent, der/-studentin, die; attrib.

    student days — Studenten-/Schulzeit, die

    student driver(Amer.) Fahrschüler, der/-schülerin, die

    student nurse — Lernschwester, die/Pflegeschüler, der

    be a student doctor/teacher — ein medizinisches Praktikum/Schulpraktikum machen

    * * *
    (female) n.
    Studentin f. adj.
    studentisch adj. n.
    Student -en m.

    English-german dictionary > student

  • 16 France

       The continental European country with which Portugal has had the closest and most friendly relations since the Middle Ages and whose culture since early modern times has been the most important model for Portugal's culture. Beginning in the Reconquest, French groups assisted the Portuguese in fighting the Muslims, and Portugal's first royal dynasty was Burgundian. Various French religious orders settled in Portugal and brought new skills and ideas. Franco-Portuguese relations in diplomacy went through various phases after a virtual break between the two monarchies during the Hundred Years' War and Castile's campaigns to conquer Portugal up to the battle of Aljubarrota (1385), when France was the main ally of Castile. France gave Portugal vital assistance in the 16th and 17th centuries against Spanish aggression. French aid was given to Dom Antônio, Prior of Crato, who opposed Filipe's domination of Portugal, and to restoration Portugal during the War of Restoration (1640-68). With the important exception of the disastrous Napoleonic invasions and war (1807-11), Franco-Portuguese relations in diplomacy, trade, and culture were exceptionally good from the first quarter of the 19th century.
       In part as a response to unpopular Castilianization during Spain's domination, the Portuguese found French culture a comforting, novel foil and prestigious alternative. Despite Great Britain's dominance in matters commercial, diplomatic, and political under the Anglo- Portuguese Alliance, French culture and politics came to enjoy primary importance in Portugal. Even in commerce, France was Portugal's third or fourth best customer during the 19th century. Especially between 1820 and 1960, French influence provided a major model for the well-educated.
       A brief list of some key political, literary, philosophical, and artistic ideas Portugal eagerly embraced is suggestive. King Pedro IV's 1826 Charter ( A Carta) was directly modeled on an early French constitution. French models of liberalism and socialism prevailed in politics; impressionism in art; romanticism and realism, Parnassian-ism, and symbolism in literature; positivism and Bergsonianism in philosophy, etc. During the 18th and 19th centuries, the Portuguese language, including vocabulary and orthography (spelling), experienced extensive Frenchification. French became the second language of Portugal's elite, providing access to knowledge and information vital for the education and development of isolated Portugal.
       French cultural influences became pervasive and entered the country by various means: through the French invasions before 1811, trade and commerce, improved international communication and transportation, Portuguese emigration to France (which became a mass movement after 1950), and close diplomatic and intellectual relations. An example of the importance of French culture until recently, when British and American cultural influences have become more significant, was that works in French dominated foreign book sections in Portuguese bookstores. If Portugal retained the oldest diplomatic link in world history with Britain, its chief cultural model until recently was France. Until after the Revolution of 25 April 1974, the largest portion of Portugal's educated elite studying abroad resided in France and took French higher degrees. The pattern of Portuguese students in higher education abroad has diversified in the years since, and now a significant portion are studying in other European continental states as well as in Britain and the United States. Diplomatic posts in France rank high in the pecking order of Portugal's small foreign service.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > France

  • 17 Anglo-Portuguese Alliance

       The world's oldest diplomatic connection and alliance, an enduring arrangement between two very different nations and peoples, with important practical consequences in the domestic and foreign affairs of both Great Britain (England before 1707) and Portugal. The history of this remarkable alliance, which has had commercial and trade, political, foreign policy, cultural, and imperial aspects, can be outlined in part with a list of the main alliance treaties after the first treaty of commerce and friendship signed between the monarchs of England and Portugal in 1373. This was followed in 1386 by the Treaty of Windsor; then in 1654, 1661, 1703, the Methuen Treaty; and in 1810 and 1899 another treaty also signed at Windsor.
       Common interests in the defense of the nation and its overseas empire (in the case of Portugal, after 1415; in the case of England, after 1650) were partly based on characteristics and common enemies both countries shared. Even in the late Middle Ages, England and Portugal faced common enemies: large continental countries that threatened the interests and sovereignty of both, especially France and Spain. In this sense, the Anglo-Portuguese Alliance has always been a defensive alliance in which each ally would assist the other when necessary against its enemies. In the case of Portugal, that enemy invariably was Spain (or component states thereof, such as Castile and Leon) and sometimes France (i.e., when Napoleon's armies invaded and conquered Portugal as of late 1807). In the case of England, that foe was often France and sometimes Spain as well.
       Beginning in the late 14th century, England and Portugal forged this unusual relationship, formalized with several treaties that came into direct use during a series of dynastic, imperial, naval, and commercial conflicts between 1373 and 1961, the historic period when the Anglo-Portuguese Alliance had its most practical political significance. The relative world power and importance of each ally has varied over the centuries. During the period 1373-1580, the allies were similar in respective ranking in European affairs, and during the period 1480-1550, if anything, Portugal was a greater world power with a more important navy than England. During 1580-1810, Portugal fell to the status of a third-rank European power and, during 1810-1914, England was perhaps the premier world power. During 1914-61, England's world position slipped while Portugal made a slow recovery but remained a third- or fourth-rank power.
       The commercial elements of the alliance have always involved an exchange of goods between two seafaring, maritime peoples with different religions and political systems but complementary economies. The 1703 Methuen Treaty establ ished a trade link that endured for centuries and bore greater advantages for England than for Portugal, although Portugal derived benefits: English woolens for Portuguese wines, especially port, other agricultural produce, and fish. Since the signing of the Methuen Treaty, there has been a vigorous debate both in politics and in historical scholarship as to how much each nation benefited economically from the arrangement in which Portugal eventually became dependent upon England and the extent to which Portugal became a kind of economic colony of Britain during the period from 1703 to 1910.
       There is a vast literature on the Alliance, much of it in Portuguese and by Portuguese writers, which is one expression of the development of modern Portuguese nationalism. During the most active phase of the alliance, from 1650 to 1945, there is no doubt but that the core of the mutual interests of the allies amounted to the proposition that Portugal's independence as a nation in Iberia and the integrity of its overseas empire, the third largest among the colonial powers as of 1914, were defended by England, who in turn benefited from the use by the Royal Navy of Portugal's home and colonial ports in times of war and peace. A curious impact on Portuguese and popular usage had also come about and endured through the impact of dealings with the English allies. The idiom in Portuguese, "é para inglês ver," means literally "it is for the Englishman to see," but figuratively it really means, "it is merely for show."
       The practical defense side of the alliance was effectively dead by the end of World War II, but perhaps the most definitive indication of the end of the political significance of an alliance that still continues in other spheres occurred in December 1961, when the army of the Indian Union invaded Portugal's colonial enclaves in western India, Goa, Damão, and Diu. While both nations were now North Atlantic Treaty Organization allies, their interests clashed when it came to imperial and Commonwealth conflicts and policies. Portugal asked Britain for military assistance in the use of British bases against the army of Britain's largest former colony, India. But Portugal was, in effect, refused assistance by her oldest ally. If the alliance continues into the 21st century, its essence is historical, nostalgic, commercial, and cultural.
        See also Catherine of Braganza.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Anglo-Portuguese Alliance

  • 18 Catholic church

       The Catholic Church and the Catholic religion together represent the oldest and most enduring of all Portuguese institutions. Because its origins as an institution go back at least to the middle of the third century, if not earlier, the Christian and later the Catholic Church is much older than any other Portuguese institution or major cultural influence, including the monarchy (lasting 770 years) or Islam (540 years). Indeed, it is older than Portugal (869 years) itself. The Church, despite its changing doctrine and form, dates to the period when Roman Lusitania was Christianized.
       In its earlier period, the Church played an important role in the creation of an independent Portuguese monarchy, as well as in the colonization and settlement of various regions of the shifting Christian-Muslim frontier as it moved south. Until the rise of absolutist monarchy and central government, the Church dominated all public and private life and provided the only education available, along with the only hospitals and charity institutions. During the Middle Ages and the early stage of the overseas empire, the Church accumulated a great deal of wealth. One historian suggests that, by 1700, one-third of the land in Portugal was owned by the Church. Besides land, Catholic institutions possessed a large number of chapels, churches and cathedrals, capital, and other property.
       Extensive periods of Portuguese history witnessed either conflict or cooperation between the Church as the monarchy increasingly sought to gain direct control of the realm. The monarchy challenged the great power and wealth of the Church, especially after the acquisition of the first overseas empire (1415-1580). When King João III requested the pope to allow Portugal to establish the Inquisition (Holy Office) in the country and the request was finally granted in 1531, royal power, more than religion was the chief concern. The Inquisition acted as a judicial arm of the Catholic Church in order to root out heresies, primarily Judaism and Islam, and later Protestantism. But the Inquisition became an instrument used by the crown to strengthen its power and jurisdiction.
       The Church's power and prestige in governance came under direct attack for the first time under the Marquis of Pombal (1750-77) when, as the king's prime minister, he placed regalism above the Church's interests. In 1759, the Jesuits were expelled from Portugal, although they were allowed to return after Pombal left office. Pombal also harnessed the Inquisition and put in place other anticlerical measures. With the rise of liberalism and the efforts to secularize Portugal after 1820, considerable Church-state conflict occurred. The new liberal state weakened the power and position of the Church in various ways: in 1834, all religious orders were suppressed and their property confiscated both in Portugal and in the empire and, in the 1830s and 1840s, agrarian reform programs confiscated and sold large portions of Church lands. By the 1850s, Church-state relations had improved, various religious orders were allowed to return, and the Church's influence was largely restored. By the late 19th century, Church and state were closely allied again. Church roles in all levels of education were pervasive, and there was a popular Catholic revival under way.
       With the rise of republicanism and the early years of the First Republic, especially from 1910 to 1917, Church-state relations reached a new low. A major tenet of republicanism was anticlericalism and the belief that the Church was as much to blame as the monarchy for the backwardness of Portuguese society. The provisional republican government's 1911 Law of Separation decreed the secularization of public life on a scale unknown in Portugal. Among the new measures that Catholics and the Church opposed were legalization of divorce, appropriation of all Church property by the state, abolition of religious oaths for various posts, suppression of the theology school at Coimbra University, abolition of saints' days as public holidays, abolition of nunneries and expulsion of the Jesuits, closing of seminaries, secularization of all public education, and banning of religious courses in schools.
       After considerable civil strife over the religious question under the republic, President Sidónio Pais restored normal relations with the Holy See and made concessions to the Portuguese Church. Encouraged by the apparitions at Fátima between May and October 1917, which caused a great sensation among the rural people, a strong Catholic reaction to anticlericalism ensued. Backed by various new Catholic organizations such as the "Catholic Youth" and the Academic Center of Christian Democracy (CADC), the Catholic revival influenced government and politics under the Estado Novo. Prime Minister Antônio de Oliveira Salazar was not only a devout Catholic and member of the CADC, but his formative years included nine years in the Viseu Catholic Seminary preparing to be a priest. Under the Estado Novo, Church-state relations greatly improved, and Catholic interests were protected. On the other hand, Salazar's no-risk statism never went so far as to restore to the Church all that had been lost in the 1911 Law of Separation. Most Church property was never returned from state ownership and, while the Church played an important role in public education to 1974, it never recovered the influence in education it had enjoyed before 1911.
       Today, the majority of Portuguese proclaim themselves Catholic, and the enduring nature of the Church as an institution seems apparent everywhere in the country. But there is no longer a monolithic Catholic faith; there is growing diversity of religious choice in the population, which includes an increasing number of Protestant Portuguese as well as a small but growing number of Muslims from the former Portuguese empire. The Muslim community of greater Lisbon erected a Mosque which, ironically, is located near the Spanish Embassy. In the 1990s, Portugal's Catholic Church as an institution appeared to be experiencing a revival of influence. While Church attendance remained low, several Church institutions retained an importance in society that went beyond the walls of the thousands of churches: a popular, flourishing Catholic University; Radio Re-nascenca, the country's most listened to radio station; and a new private television channel owned by the Church. At an international conference in Lisbon in September 2000, the Cardinal Patriarch of Portugal, Dom José Policarpo, formally apologized to the Jewish community of Portugal for the actions of the Inquisition. At the deliberately selected location, the place where that religious institution once held its hearings and trials, Dom Policarpo read a declaration of Catholic guilt and repentance and symbolically embraced three rabbis, apologizing for acts of violence, pressures to convert, suspicions, and denunciation.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Catholic church

  • 19 Cinema

       Portuguese cinema had its debut in June 1896 at the Royal Coliseum, Lisbon, only six months after the pioneering French cinema-makers, the brothers Lumiere, introduced the earliest motion pictures to Paris audiences. Cinema pioneers in Portugal included photographer Manuel Maria da Costa Veiga and an early enthusiast, Aurelio da Paz dos Reis. The first movie theater opened in Lisbon in 1904, and most popular were early silent shorts, including documentaries and scenes of King Carlos I swimming at Cascais beach. Beginning with the Invicta Film company in 1912 and its efforts to produce films, Portuguese cinema-makers sought technical assistance in Paris. In 1918, French film technicians from Pathé Studios of Paris came to Portugal to produce cinema. The Portuguese writer of children's books, Virginia de Castro e Almeida, hired French film and legal personnel in the 1920s under the banner of "Fortuna Film" and produced several silent films based on her compositions.
       In the 1930s, Portuguese cinema underwent an important advance with the work of Portuguese director-producers, including Antônio
       Lopes Ribeiro, Manoel de Oliveira, Leitao de Barros, and Artur Duarte. They were strongly influenced by contemporary French, German, and Russian cinema, and they recruited their cinema actors from the Portuguese Theater, especially from the popular Theater of Review ( teatro de revista) of Lisbon. They included comedy radio and review stars such as Vasco Santana, Antônio Silva, Maria Matos, and Ribeirinho. As the Estado Novo regime appreciated the important potential role of film as a mode of propaganda, greater government controls and regulation followed. The first Portuguese sound film, A Severa (1928), based on a Julio Dantas book, was directed by Leitão de Barros.
       The next period of Portuguese cinema, the 1930s, 1940s, and much of the 1950s, has been labeled, Comédia a portuguesa, or Portuguese Comedy, as it was dominated by comedic actors from Lisbon's Theatre of Review and by such classic comedies as 1933's A Cancáo de Lisboa and similar genre such as O Pai Tirano, O Pátio das Cantigas, and A Costa do Castelo. The Portuguese film industry was extremely small and financially constrained and, until after 1970, only several films were made each year. A new era followed, the so-called "New Cinema," or Novo Cinema (ca. 1963-74), when the dictatorship collapsed. Directors of this era, influenced by France's New Wave cinema movement, were led by Fernando Lopes, Paulo Rocha, and others.
       After the 1974-75 Revolution, filmmakers, encouraged by new political and social freedoms, explored new themes: realism, legend, politics, and ethnography and, in the 1980s, other themes, including docufiction. Even after political liberty arrived, leaders of the cinema industry confronted familiar challenges of filmmakers everywhere: finding funds for production and audiences to purchase tickets. As the new Portugal gained more prosperity, garnered more capital, and took advantage of membership in the burgeoning European Union, Portuguese cinema benefited. Some American producers, directors, and actors, such as John Malkovich, grew enamored of residence and work in Portugal. Malkovich starred in Manoel de Oliveira's film, O Convento (The Convent), shot in Portugal, and this film gained international acclaim, if not universal critical approval. While most films viewed in the country continued to be foreign imports, especially from France, the United States, and Great Britain, recent domestic film production is larger than ever before in Portugal's cinema history: in 2005, 13 Portuguese feature films were released. One of them was coproduced with Spain, Midsummer Dream, an animated feature. That year's most acclaimed film was O Crime de Padre Amaro, based on the Eça de Queirós' novel, a film that earned a record box office return. In 2006, some 22 feature films were released. With more films made in Portugal than ever before, Portugal's cinema had entered a new era.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Cinema

  • 20 Empire, Portuguese overseas

    (1415-1975)
       Portugal was the first Western European state to establish an early modern overseas empire beyond the Mediterranean and perhaps the last colonial power to decolonize. A vast subject of complexity that is full of myth as well as debatable theories, the history of the Portuguese overseas empire involves the story of more than one empire, the question of imperial motives, the nature of Portuguese rule, and the results and consequences of empire, including the impact on subject peoples as well as on the mother country and its society, Here, only the briefest account of a few such issues can be attempted.
       There were various empires or phases of empire after the capture of the Moroccan city of Ceuta in 1415. There were at least three Portuguese empires in history: the First empire (1415-1580), the Second empire (1580-1640 and 1640-1822), and the Third empire (1822-1975).
       With regard to the second empire, the so-called Phillipine period (1580-1640), when Portugal's empire was under Spanish domination, could almost be counted as a separate era. During that period, Portugal lost important parts of its Asian holdings to England and also sections of its colonies of Brazil, Angola, and West Africa to Holland's conquests. These various empires could be characterized by the geography of where Lisbon invested its greatest efforts and resources to develop territories and ward off enemies.
       The first empire (1415-1580) had two phases. First came the African coastal phase (1415-97), when the Portuguese sought a foothold in various Moroccan cities but then explored the African coast from Morocco to past the Cape of Good Hope in South Africa. While colonization and sugar farming were pursued in the Atlantic islands, as well as in the islands in the Gulf of Guinea like São Tomé and Príncipe, for the most part the Portuguese strategy was to avoid commitments to defending or peopling lands on the African continent. Rather, Lisbon sought a seaborne trade empire, in which the Portuguese could profit from exploiting trade and resources (such as gold) along the coasts and continue exploring southward to seek a sea route to Portuguese India. The second phase of the first empire (1498-1580) began with the discovery of the sea route to Asia, thanks to Vasco da Gama's first voyage in 1497-99, and the capture of strong points, ports, and trading posts in order to enforce a trade monopoly between Asia and Europe. This Asian phase produced the greatest revenues of empire Portugal had garnered, yet ended when Spain conquered Portugal and commanded her empire as of 1580.
       Portugal's second overseas empire began with Spanish domination and ran to 1822, when Brazil won her independence from Portugal. This phase was characterized largely by Brazilian dominance of imperial commitment, wealth in minerals and other raw materials from Brazil, and the loss of a significant portion of her African and Asian coastal empire to Holland and Great Britain. A sketch of Portugal's imperial losses either to native rebellions or to imperial rivals like Britain and Holland follows:
       • Morocco (North Africa) (sample only)
       Arzila—Taken in 1471; evacuated in 1550s; lost to Spain in 1580, which returned city to a sultan.
       Ceuta—Taken in 1415; lost to Spain in 1640 (loss confirmed in 1668 treaty with Spain).
       • Tangiers—Taken in 15th century; handed over to England in 1661 as part of Catherine of Braganza's dowry to King Charles II.
       • West Africa
       • Fort/Castle of São Jorge da Mina, Gold Coast (in what is now Ghana)—Taken in 1480s; lost to Holland in 1630s.
       • Middle East
       Socotra-isle—Conquered in 1507; fort abandoned in 1511; used as water resupply stop for India fleet.
       Muscat—Conquered in 1501; lost to Persians in 1650.
       Ormuz—Taken, 1505-15 under Albuquerque; lost to England, which gave it to Persia in the 17th century.
       Aden (entry to Red Sea) — Unsuccessfully attacked by Portugal (1513-30); taken by Turks in 1538.
       • India
       • Ceylon (Sri Lanka)—Taken by 1516; lost to Dutch after 1600.
       • Bombay—Taken in 16th century; given to England in 1661 treaty as part of Catherine of Braganza's dowry for Charles II.
       • East Indies
       • Moluccas—Taken by 1520; possession confirmed in 1529 Saragossa treaty with Spain; lost to Dutch after 1600; only East Timor remaining.
       After the restoration of Portuguese independence from Spain in 1640, Portugal proceeded to revive and strengthen the Anglo- Portuguese Alliance, with international aid to fight off further Spanish threats to Portugal and drive the Dutch invaders out of Brazil and Angola. While Portugal lost its foothold in West Africa at Mina to the Dutch, dominion in Angola was consolidated. The most vital part of the imperial economy was a triangular trade: slaves from West Africa and from the coasts of Congo and Angola were shipped to plantations in Brazil; raw materials (sugar, tobacco, gold, diamonds, dyes) were sent to Lisbon; Lisbon shipped Brazil colonists and hardware. Part of Portugal's War of Restoration against Spain (1640-68) and its reclaiming of Brazil and Angola from Dutch intrusions was financed by the New Christians (Jews converted to Christianity after the 1496 Manueline order of expulsion of Jews) who lived in Portugal, Holland and other low countries, France, and Brazil. If the first empire was mainly an African coastal and Asian empire, the second empire was primarily a Brazilian empire.
       Portugal's third overseas empire began upon the traumatic independence of Brazil, the keystone of the Lusitanian enterprise, in 1822. The loss of Brazil greatly weakened Portugal both as a European power and as an imperial state, for the scattered remainder of largely coastal, poor, and uncolonized territories that stretched from the bulge of West Africa to East Timor in the East Indies and Macau in south China were more of a financial liability than an asset. Only two small territories balanced their budgets occasionally or made profits: the cocoa islands of São Tomé and Príncipe in the Gulf of Guinea and tiny Macau, which lost much of its advantage as an entrepot between the West and the East when the British annexed neighboring Hong Kong in 1842. The others were largely burdens on the treasury. The African colonies were strapped by a chronic economic problem: at a time when the slave trade and then slavery were being abolished under pressures from Britain and other Western powers, the economies of Guinea- Bissau, São Tomé/Príncipe, Angola, and Mozambique were totally dependent on revenues from the slave trade and slavery. During the course of the 19th century, Lisbon began a program to reform colonial administration in a newly rejuvenated African empire, where most of the imperial efforts were expended, by means of replacing the slave trade and slavery, with legitimate economic activities.
       Portugal participated in its own early version of the "Scramble" for Africa's interior during 1850-69, but discovered that the costs of imperial expansion were too high to allow effective occupation of the hinterlands. After 1875, Portugal participated in the international "Scramble for Africa" and consolidated its holdings in west and southern Africa, despite the failure of the contra-costa (to the opposite coast) plan, which sought to link up the interiors of Angola and Mozambique with a corridor in central Africa. Portugal's expansion into what is now Malawi, Zambia, and Zimbabwe (eastern section) in 1885-90 was thwarted by its oldest ally, Britain, under pressure from interest groups in South Africa, Scotland, and England. All things considered, Portugal's colonizing resources and energies were overwhelmed by the African empire it possessed after the frontier-marking treaties of 1891-1906. Lisbon could barely administer the massive area of five African colonies, whose total area comprised about 8 percent of the area of the colossal continent. The African territories alone were many times the size of tiny Portugal and, as of 1914, Portugal was the third colonial power in terms of size of area possessed in the world.
       The politics of Portugal's empire were deceptive. Lisbon remained obsessed with the fear that rival colonial powers, especially Germany and Britain, would undermine and then dismantle her African empire. This fear endured well into World War II. In developing and keeping her potentially rich African territories (especially mineral-rich Angola and strategically located Mozambique), however, the race against time was with herself and her subject peoples. Two major problems, both chronic, prevented Portugal from effective colonization (i.e., settling) and development of her African empire: the economic weakness and underdevelopment of the mother country and the fact that the bulk of Portuguese emigration after 1822 went to Brazil, Venezuela, the United States, and France, not to the colonies. These factors made it difficult to consolidate imperial control until it was too late; that is, until local African nationalist movements had organized and taken the field in insurgency wars that began in three of the colonies during the years 1961-64.
       Portugal's belated effort to revitalize control and to develop, in the truest sense of the word, Angola and Mozambique after 1961 had to be set against contemporary events in Europe, Africa, and Asia. While Portugal held on to a backward empire, other European countries like Britain, France, and Belgium were rapidly decolonizing their empires. Portugal's failure or unwillingness to divert the large streams of emigrants to her empire after 1850 remained a constant factor in this question. Prophetic were the words of the 19th-century economist Joaquim Oliveira Martins, who wrote in 1880 that Brazil was a better colony for Portugal than Africa and that the best colony of all would have been Portugal itself. As of the day of the Revolution of 25 April 1974, which sparked the final process of decolonization of the remainder of Portugal's third overseas empire, the results of the colonization program could be seen to be modest compared to the numbers of Portuguese emigrants outside the empire. Moreover, within a year, of some 600,000 Portuguese residing permanently in Angola and Mozambique, all but a few thousand had fled to South Africa or returned to Portugal.
       In 1974 and 1975, most of the Portuguese empire was decolonized or, in the case of East Timor, invaded and annexed by a foreign power before it could consolidate its independence. Only historic Macau, scheduled for transfer to the People's Republic of China in 1999, remained nominally under Portuguese control as a kind of footnote to imperial history. If Portugal now lacked a conventional overseas empire and was occupied with the challenges of integration in the European Union (EU), Lisbon retained another sort of informal dependency that was a new kind of empire: the empire of her scattered overseas Portuguese communities from North America to South America. Their numbers were at least six times greater than that of the last settlers of the third empire.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Empire, Portuguese overseas

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